2011 ELECTIONS: WHAT IS IN THE "HOUSE" OF UGANDA’S POLITICAL PARTIES?

There are three years left to hold another presidential election in Uganda, a time that calls for serious groundwork on the part of political parties. With no parties leaving offices for mass sensitization and to seek electorate approval, their existence and purpose would cease to mean anything positive to Ugandans. And as it can be the case, it would leave incumbent, the National Resistance Movement Party/Organisation (NRM/O), as the only entity to prove itself worthwhile to Ugandans.

Early preparation is something that the opposition political parties seem not to take care of. Instead, they go to party offices to take tea and ground nuts. In addition to its incumbent advantage, the NRM/O went ahead to announce the commencement of its 2011 campaigns to be June this Year (Muyita and Wanyama: 14^th January, 2008), which is a pretty advanced step taken and an advantage added to incumbency.

A lot of political-party works have been limited more to rumor-mongering, press-conferences and office work than active mass mobilization or going down to the grass roots and engage people, more as a basis to measure performance than to fantasize.

In Makerere University, the recently concluded guild presidential elections were a true reflection of politics at national level, as some candidates represented national political parties. Situations as these would be the best for a political party to judge its strength. Perhaps the lagging factor is funding problem, which individual party members would still tackle through strategic planning in unison -with closely related political parties.

But, NRM/O government was fast in bid to disable political parties, first, by carefully introducing politics of marginalization across public institutions –where recruitment would be on the basis of NRM/O cadre ship, defacing old political parties and now are de-tribalising Baganda to become Ja-luos using history facts. The present economic structures too do not favor individual input towards development of partisan politics as opposition members continue languish in poverty.

All these seem to have worked so well for NRM/O that they can now think of 4^th, 5^th to 20^th elected term in office, as critics and potential distracters very soon give in after just moments of bimeeza –debating activity or sleep-off and forget by next general elections. This is what continuously makes the movement government really lucky. As for de-tribalisation, if it justified land reforms in favor of NRM/O, a lot of problems would safely by-passed as direct confrontation with Buganda –something that would have resurrected the 1966 Lubiri incident. This is, perhaps, what makes President Museveni one of the most intelligent Uganda has had. But de-tribalisation must first undergo testing to further prove his intelligence again and again. Why not if it can be interesting to political observers and analysts?

And it is at this level; of land conflicts or federal one that perhaps, makes Obote’s legacy to live on in the hearts of many –including President Museveni since he is facing the same pressure as Obote did and could be tempted to respond the same way if de-tribalisation by history invocation fails. The land issue is like a stormy river that would take superior powers to help NRM/O swim through to safety.

Nevertheless for political party development -with growing financial problems and political misery or disgruntled nature as vocalised by NRM/O, opposition political parties would improvise by making political alliances both locally and globally -for technical and financial assistance. It is believable that many organizations world over would be willing to support democracy and human rights when approached.

Unfortunately, selfish interests and lack of common nationalistic agenda still afflicts Uganda as much as Africa, in general. As a result, democracy and human rights issues have become more of what can be talked during tea-time, at Malwa (drinking joints) and at-radio free airtime chats than the real need to practice them.

Still, in Makerere University guild election contest, a similar case would be found where opposition candidates chose to stand on the basis of party inclination and self calling even if the strategy would fail. For example, a five-fold of candidates that stood against each other were from the north, the other section were Baganda. This was nothing else but wastage of time and the little money they had over Rutaro and the western region front. But most noting of all, those from the west were solidly together.

Even then, the "products" presented by opposition political parties could not easily “sale” due to the seeming fact that in Makerere University, one must have a combination of; lots of money, ability to movingly speak well, presidential outlook, handsomeness for the sake ladies’ section, and possession of an international character –since so many students fall in that category.

Without such indicators, opposition political parties seemed not to mean anything to Makerere University students, at large. In that case, Rutaro Robert was the “most qualifying” right before the campaigning exercise. This made NRM victory in Makerere University unique that could not be taken wholesomely.

However, time will come when money factor would cease to influence Ugandan elections, when Ugandans then use miseries encountered and economic benefits gained to vote for either change or no change. Unfortunately to that regard, so many no longer trust the power of the vote. Voting and democratic processes seem to have lost meaning both; in the eyes of power holders and power makers (voters). The scenario could at certain time promote mal-governance unless hope -for free and fair results is aroused and sustained.

At local front, parties with inadequate resources in terms of electorate support and funding could seek to combine efforts with a more popular opposition party, so long as the main objective is similar. However, it is something that hardcore political party members would vehemently disagree to and result into total mess in already disorganized political opposition groups. Otherwise, split-ups in fight for votes would only and constantly give the incumbent a winning advantage, which require selfish-less strategic planning among opposition political parties while considering resource base, popularity and marketability in terms of “product” (candidate) presented as remedy.

Much as historical facts and nostalgia are good, these would act only as motivation while focusing on the current needs to transform a particular political party. The opposition political parties, first, need to be mindful of internal democracy right from organization of primaries (grassroots) elections before rushing to compete for national responsibility.

Of the political parties struggling to cope with the post-Museveni survival, is the Uganda People’s Congress (UPC). In addition to the general problems faced by the opposition political parties in Uganda -towards democratization, UPC has continuously reacted by hiding in the past and glorious years for consolation away from activity pressure. This is ostrich-like behavioral response in face of danger to survive. Has UPC run out of ideas?

Yet, history and achievement would only act as motivation to justify old-party’s coming to power again through mass-awareness and recruitment. If the older parties, of which the NRM/O now belongs, continue to ride on the past; what people have read and experienced, and what Ugandans are used to, newer parties would be set to flourish on their support. It would not, therefore, be surprising if a political party of yesterday (as People's Progressive Party (PPP) overtook the history-drown ones.

Milton Obote, as Museveni made memorable trends in the history of Uganda that still hold true to many sincere Ugandans. They achieved a lot for themselves and for Uganda.

Unfortunately, the more we ride on their back, the more we would stop writing any history for the new generations to come. There must be a door-knocking generation to take over as Obama is trying to do in the United States. We must not only look in the past for today's answers, as either could have differently challenging situations.

Still to note, living a life of the old and the dead would only stall social progress. Jesus Christ would be an exception since he died resurrected and still lives as will forever. With him, we could continue to follow but not for simple men as compared to him. Otherwise, with the nature continuous evolving as society revolves, older ideas would be phased away while more powerful and fresh ideas force their way to center stage in support of natural processes that respect only newer generations of people and of new ideas.

As a believer in the dynamic nature of society, a living Ugandan in the early and late 1990s could only be reminded by the Rwanyarare group impact on the politics of Uganda in the post-Museveni era. UPC could be remembered as a political party that took-on roles required of an opposition force, addressed political problems as political enslavement by NRM/A, stage-managed demostrations and represented Ugandans at the time when ordinary Ugandans would not easily criticize government –a role the late Dr. Milton Obote demeaned and made sure he dismissed the group before death.

So, as others celebrate certain revolutionary days, UPC never does or even try to build on the post-museveni Rwanyarare impact. Yet people had come out to associate themselves again with UPC, older parties like CP and DP soon came to the fore and began to speak –a foundation upon which several new parties would be proud of. But do they know that?

Just last year UPC’s Othieno said Obote’s legacy still lives on, not UPC’s achievements after Obote time as President of Uganda (Daily Monitor: 11^th January, 2007). Could have Obote died with UPC as Museveni may with NRM/O? What a challenge for the new generation in both parties! However, NRM/O, unlike UPC never ignores potential of the youth and actively lets them in, though only at critical moments as national elections.

UPCs almost 99% elderly fans often frustrated the youth and pro-change ideas, internally. Instead, they (youth) were often branded NRM/O and possible spies until, perhaps, a number of the same 99% fell guilty when they crossed to the NRM/O side. They could have seen the party as a drowning ship where to individually survive; those riding in it had to jump onto a passing-by and speeding small boat.

As if to reinforce my argument further, Obote, who died a UPC president as he wished, left the party at the level of a terminally ill person. Instead of active holding of consultative workshops, conferences and meetings and/or seek funding for such activities, all the time now has been put at praising and worshiping the fallen party president –and as if forgetting that UPC actually needed the living, not the dead and anything else in the interest of Ugandans as a base for its rebirth and sustainability.

Perhaps, what was left of the fallen UPC president was asking family to do a pharaoh style of burying him with the party, and maybe, we would be having another party announced for the living -with a new name, vision and structure soon after burial. Could PPP be one?

With such a trend, those who jumped from a drowning ship to a fast moving small boat could be blamed less as should those who went private rather than participate in the seemingly drama-play politics of the UPC. The NRM/O still shows interestingly natural survival tactics where instead of jumping onto a small passing boat for safety, members form newer groups but parented by the same old party (NRM/O).

The old parties as UPC, therefore, need to modify themselves with changing times and make timely adjustments in synchrony with steps taken by their counter-parts, the NRM/O party. They may need not to just critise throughout the day, but also, be keen to note down a few things that can be learnt from NRM/O. A lot of meetings and consultative workshops must be organized countrywide to review progress and adopt new next-days’ actions rather than plans. Above all, older parties must enthrone willing youths to take over from them, as they are more energetic, visionary and active in modern day politics while the elderly take on the advisory and story-telling role.

Libya's Gadaffi continues to play influential roles in the politics of Uganda. Unfortunately or fortunately, they mean nothing positive to political party development in Uganda. He did it very well with Iddi Amin and succeeded, even at helping change many Ugandans to Islam while those who failed found life difficult -as it only propagated religious persecution. Unfortunately, his old friend is out and somehow he wants to have a new one, still, in Uganda with whom to share similar ideas as faith and no revolutionary guard change as if a revolution itself does not rotate around change. Couldn’t this comply with the old saying, “change now: if you do not, change will change you?”

One aspect the revolutionary master missed out in his advice to Ugandan leadership was to first look out at the social structural differences and history as linked to political life destinies of Libya and Uganda. For example, while in Libyans are mostly homogenous and sharing resources amicably, in Uganda it is very far from the same. And if the western world is unfair to Africa as Mr. Gadaffi asserted such that their (western) names should be abandoned in favor of African names as his own (Gadaffi) whilst naming historical sites, was he too suggesting that neo-colonialism by Africans against other Africans is better than that by western countries?

Jacob Waiswa,

Situation Health Analyst,

waiswajacpbp@yaho.co.uk

www.situationhealthanalysis.blogspot.com