Is it Conflict or Peace in Uganda? An Expert View on Land

Jacob Waiswa,

Peace and Conflict Program,

Makerere University,

Kampala, Uganda

 

With the population of Uganda at 33 million, available natural resources are quickly and continuously facing exhaustion, rendering the next generations to come at risk of extreme starvation.

The struggle by Ugandans to survival has led to both psychological and physical insecurity. High crime rate involving murderous act are reported everyday in the media, diminished confidence in government has increased pressure on it to deliver through violence.

Already 52% Ugandans are food insecure. Only 48% Uganda households were food secure. More than 800 million in 20% of the population suffers from chronic under nutrition. Millions more are vulnerable to malnutrition.

The forests and wetland are other victims of population explosion, whose fate (global warming) affects everyone, though the peasant are most, or affected first. When it rains heavily, there is natural violence due to floods, and disease pandemics such as cholera.

It has over the years scored high in areas formally national protection areas, as out-of-bounds for human settlement, for example Bwaise, lowlands of Rubaga, the Golf Course, Lugogo, Nakivubo, Bugoloobi, and Namanve. Wetlands occupy 13% of the Uganda surface. Settlers in such areas are emigrants who left sufficient hectares of land in rural areas.

That has increased congestion in Kampala’s slums, the apathy of poor sanitation, insecurity, and disease outbreaks; time and again. Wetlands are fraudulently acquired for development by investors, with clear knowledge the national environment authority. When the quest for jobs fails, the youthful population becomes a menace to government, city management, and fellow citizens who may find the economic situation unbearable.

The discovery of oil in western Uganda has spread both uncertainty and fortune: uncertain because unsuspecting peasants in oil-rich areas are being hoodwinked by moneyed investors to sell of their land without the right information for them to make commercial decisions. As a result they lose arable land without sufficient compensation to find alternative lands for agriculture, and being food secure in a couple of years is almost impossible.

Most of the foreign firms secure land for investment fraudulently, costing the nation billions of shillings. The heat of conflicts, regardless of where they occurred are felt in the capital, Kampala through emigration and immigrations, and their subsequent effects like land wrangles, encroachment of protected areas, poor sanitation, unemployment and insecurity..

Foreign investors may form 100 percent foreign-owned companies and majority or minority joint ventures with local investors and may acquire or take over domestic enterprises. Uganda's reformed commercial legal system is far faster at case resolution than the rest of the country's legal system. Residents and non-residents may hold foreign exchange accounts. There are no restrictions or controls on payments, transactions, or transfers.

The colonial legacy contributed to future conflicts on land that, until now the conditions for conflicts are visible, ever waiting for sparks. The 1900 agreement gave Buganda a privileged position in the Uganda protectorate.

Land in Buganda had always been a political and economic tool held by the Kabaka in trust for his people, and through his chiefs and clan leaders, though generally owned by the people. In September 11, 2012, government restriction of the Buganda’s king to free move about his territories, traditionally belong him, led fierce protests, which an estimated 40 unarmed Ugandans died.

The lands secured are often not appropriate for human settlement; they are either wetlands or forests, while industrialization in some other areas necessitates eviction of city immigrants, some of whom are refugees. It can be noted that 40% of the rain is generated by forests and wetland.

By encroaching on them, rainfall formation patterns begin to stagger backwards. Attempts by forestry and wild life officials to rid natural reserves of people, was and for a long time turned violent.

Such are continuous cause of conflict between law enforcers and settlers, between developers and environment activities, and above all; between settlers and environment hazards like cholera. Those conditions represent the structural anomalies in the country, which amount to conflict, not just outburst or explosions into full-scale wars as some people say.

Land Issues

THE 1966 POLITICAL EVENTS IN UGANDA VERSES THE CURRENT: IS HISTORY REPEATING ITSELF OR JUST LAND REFORMS RESURRECTING THE FEDERO QN?

Four years ago I highlighted how self-induced but self-destroying actions by Kabaka (King of Buganda) Sir Edward Mutesa II dictated his fate and that of federo. But one, Buwule moved fast to castigate it. Perhaps it was because his law firm partner was a Mengo minister or a good Muganda who needed more federo than any other Ugandan.

In 1966, law enforcements were sent to Lubiri after information was received about possible troop mobilization to evict UPC government from Kampala . And just towards the end of 2007, Museveni simply restrained himself from taking actions against cold warring Mengo.

Museveni said he would not intervene forcefully though understandably had such temptations. This perhaps could postpone the Lubiri attack to another time after applying chameleon strategy but towards the same goal.

Remember UPC government on Mengo’s foul games of intrigue, bad faith and unconstitutionalism had faced similar dissatisfaction. It was like president Museveni trying to overthrow his own government. Anyway, he often does it through re-shuffles and real power belongs to him.

But when you read any book about Uganda ’s political history, such element as Kabaka’s mischief would not be found. And if it were raised at any discussion, debate or conference, everyone would beg to see your back as you walk out of the room or hall. At high school I interjected my former African Nationalism teacher (Sendiwala); he too felt offended and constantly denied me chances to explain.

Unilateralism towards hiding certain important truths is affecting not only development but also contributing to self-imposed academic and intellectual ignorance. What would then be other Ugandans’ fates -who only follow what is heard?

But the most important aspect amidst such a condition as one faced by academics and intellectuals that would always rule, is the fact that they have the existing truth with a longer lifespan than them. When added to NRMs divide and rule mechanics over years, the condition became so big that young generation to come would find justifiable sense in it.

In 2004, I had written that history was repeating itself but Buwule neurotically reacted. Yet when current trends are critically observed, a lot would be found similar to 1966 events in Uganda . The other day Museveni said he would meet the Kabaka while in 1966 Obote simply sent out an army unit first to monitor the situation in Mengo.

But it would be important to note that before moving monitoring army unit to Lubiri, assassination attempts had been made on Obote and hardcore baganda loyalists were implicated. This important assertion too was by-passed by authors of political history and renowned political analysts.

Unfortunately as it must be stated, the unit was met with sporadic fire. The Kabaka and his men were already set to fight a war beyond government estimation. Actually, the Kabaka won round one of the fight. But even when more troops were sent in, it was like a draw, as Kabaka state-of-art weaponry could not be matched.

If Buganda was not a state within state or perhaps had supply routes to import and replace worn-out weapons, the government could have lost the fight. The rumor then was about the Kabaka having an electric gun donated by the Queen, which could only be inactivated by switching off Owen falls power plant that government reportedly did.

For Museveni, it has all started by a promise to have a meeting with the Kabaka. Since the second coming of the Queen of England, Mengo’s actions have been non-violent like refusal to attend the ceremony and making the Lukiiko (the Buganda Parliament) purely charged with handling Mengo affairs or cold war with NRM government.

Before 1966 crisis, the Lukiiko had all powers and dictated events in Buganda . And on the part of Kabaka, he was like car board but with real activity taking place in the engine (Lukiiko). The Lukiiko was actually Kabaka’s brains or mind, and if so, then Kabaka and the Lukiiko were one.

In his article, “No sir, UPC Flunked the Federo Qn” published in The Monitor (2004), F. K. Buwule was the category of persons who hide the truth and make periodical rituals against altering its hidden state. But for how long would this happen?

If UPC flunked the federo question then Kabaka and Mengo, too, are to blame since they were part of government. The otherwise would be Kabaka’s or rather Lukiiko’s stubborn nature and pride emanating from Buganda’s advantages over the rest of Uganda .

With almost if not a better army than for the central government, provision of the location for the capital city, advantage of being a center for trade with all routes; African and foreign headed to it, being most civilized at that time, sufficiency in food production and perhaps having provided a first lady for the nation could potentially make Mengo proud and under extreme circumstances, arrogant. Also notable in recent times, is it having beautiful ladies who many non-baganda go out to “grab”. Hope they save some for the Baganda men.

If there were a question (s) presented as to why would there be a crisis or what is the reason for the current fuss (from federo demanding to land protection), only the weight of the answers for then and now would differ but the “label” could be the same. And this would be nothing else but the search for the power equilibrium.

If Mengo could only control the economy by controlling the basic factor of production (land), they would most definitely have power. This has materialized at the time when the NRM government too is nursing the same motive though according to Mike Mukula, it spoilt it by making the programme one-sided to suit only the westerners, and is acting like land-looters rather than negotiators. And with the introduction of the position of an Executive Director to run Kampala City , such motives would be felt even more.

So Mengo government and NRM government standstill is a scenario where like poles are repelling. And to government, it is like an ambush faced on its way to causing injustice against certain members of its society. It would be an interesting drama for those who will live to watch whether there are government secret plans about to be revealed by Mengo or just Buganda wanting to rediscover their glorious times in the history of the monarchy.

Towards 1966, there was a question of who the man was. Was it Kabaka Mutesa II or Obote and UPC? And the answer was simply the 1966 crisis. Kabaka and Mengo being the landlord to government of Uganda felt he was the man rather than just a ceremonial fellow. The Kabakaship had driven him to think that being King of Buganda could automatically qualify him to the Kingship of Uganda.

On the other hand, Obote being as executive person as the proposed executive director for Kampala felt constitutionally more powerful than the ceremonial president as could be likened to the proposed ceremonial Mayor of Kampala City. This made the answer to the question more visible. The difference between the circumstances then and now is that towards 1966, Kabaka was the aggressor and government as the shock-absorber while now; both are up for it and making understudy for each other.

The government with well-educated Baganda subjects has proved ready for the task. There could be a prolonged cold war between NRM dynasty in the making (constitutionally provided) and the established Buganda monarch (by cultural right and constitutional provision) as the Kabaka too holds on the NRM negative educated baganda to counteract.

But Mengo is never on the sidelines. It keeps changing according to circumstances through reorganizing its Lukiiko and cabinet. However, as the saying goes, “power belongs to one owns the gunpowder,” It leaves us with a question: can Buganda match this as they are known to?

The current government responses seem to agree to a justification of the Lubiri attack in 1966. Although the scale of the actions could vary, the significance could be the same. This would then prove to everyone that Museveni is a true disciple of Obote and a child of UPC. But as it is always the case, politics can divide families, divorce couples and create enemies.

NRM government talked a lot of things against UPC most of which are beginning to be overturned by events to justifiable Obote and UPC shrewd positions. Fortunately or unfortunately, it could turn out to be disadvantageous to NRM as it might phase them out as liars who simply wanted to gain from Ugandans, politically.

If NRM previous actions were looked at closely, self-defeatist elements would be found. Much as such elements gave them longer duration in power, they would be left with no more protection in the near future and their political fall could be a permanent demise as similar as for Wasswa Ziritwawula.

Circumstances had forced out the monarch to leave behind one leader who would not just be for Buganda but for Uganda . But since Museveni wanted longer embracement of his rule, he let it in. It could be like a rotta system that UEB employs to manage electricity problems. If Obote and UPC faced it then, this time round should be Museveni and NRM.

But there should be one aspect to take into consideration; no ruler –be it in the colonial times or post-colonial period has won the war over land, the source of Kabaka’s “political” power. The interesting bit is that: If anyone won, it would be a matter of time for him to lose politically as they (Mengo government) reinstate themselves.

Will Museveni win it? Surely, picking up a war on whatever represents the roots of people –be it cultural or spiritual could be a hard war to win (another useless venture) which not even the best nuclear weapons would lead to success. Kony may have been defeated after over 20 years but the roots of people or of life, as forests, cultural rights and natural rights could not even force the last man surrender.

The NRM government could have a serious headache dealing with the standoff. Perhaps it would be time to give tribute to Obote and UPC for managing country’s affairs, as it should have done. NRM government could regret for having not let Obote’s whole social and political structure in place so as to only improve on them like it has done on the economic ones.

Using attempts like denying Kabaka a love-for-power instinct could only fall on a bare rock. The trait is embedded in everyone and no one has custody of it alone. It would be like trying to manage people not only politically by also scientifically through monitoring every minute of their mental processes and in every person. Is that viable?

The land and federo issues are therefore, critical and sensitive. Debate about them must be opened, encouraged and sustained at all levels. And non-organizations with programmes in civic education must be funded to support the project not only during elections campaigns but also throughout the five-year term of office. It is in that process that people would be informed to make informed decisions and actions –to eventually, as may be guided, lead into regional referenda in free and fair election processes. And at that time government must chose to accept peoples’ verdicts without manipulating any.

Jacob Waiswa, Kampala, waiswajacobo@yahoo.co.uk
The writer is situation-health analyst with interest in human behavior