By Grace Kibuuka*
Peace is widely understood as a state of harmony and tranquility experienced at micro and macro levels. Peace has eluded Uganda for a handful of centuries. Before the years of foreign influence, most spectacular of conflicts ever experienced in Uganda were migration-based. Underlying precipitant of them were diseases, climate and population-related causes and, later, the desire of national prestige. It was first, the Bachwezi influence and rule, and soon after its collapse, there came the Luo-Babito.
The coming of foreigners to Uganda between 1840s and 1870s only led to the shaping of conflict to suit their interests. They achieved that using existing powers like Buganda, but also because of its strategic location. Religious factor was first to come into play and to arouse conflict. Renowned kingdoms at the time were Ankole, Tooro, Bunyoro and the influential Buganda.
Different religions not only came into antagonism with existing traditional beliefs –about the concept of God, but also competed between themselves for supremacy and influence. That caused leadership and cultural paralysis before most dominant religion took the day.
The kings were first to be tamed –especially those of Buganda. For strategic reasons, it was important that they colonize Buganda first. Kings –especially in Buganda made temporary attempts to switch from one religion to another –depending on which missionaries or agents provided most pleasing gifts and military support against their enemies.
Their subjects were most antagonized by the new religions –as they were not at all ready for them, but rather, very happy and entrenched in their indigenous belief systems. Through the years there were religious battles –in which the supremacy of protestant missionaries was defined. Their influence also shaped future leadership of Uganda –so much that leaders that followed within and outside Buganda were significantly Anglicans.
While new religions were spreading like burning bush in Uganda, foreign politics was too taking root in the country. That was made real when Uganda was made a British protectorate in 1884-5. Uganda, then received a British representatives charged with exploitation of the natural resources and to strengthen their rule. That, though, came with impressive developments like the construction of the Uganda railway.
It did not only help them gain firm use of the countries resources but also to ease administration that stretched far into the Mediterranean Sea. Uganda was thus pivotal in securing British interests along the Nile to Egypt. Such arrangement was later inherited by future Egyptian governments –who until today relentless struggle to protect their bloody relationship with River Nile.
Because the British had formed the administrative base in Buganda, it is little wonder today that much of the developments, if not all, exist there. Within the security forces, though, it was northern religion that has been earmarked for the elite role –an influence that carried the day until now. The difference only lies in the question of who controls the security forces.
Existing administrative structures were subdued and made to serve the British such that orders from the British government easily trickled into the different kingdoms and chiefdoms around the country. Buganda was important sergeant in the course of subduing other kingdoms and chiefdoms like Bunyoro. And because of its impressive work, it was rewards with more land to it. Such are the famous areas of Bugangaizi, Buyaga, Kiryandongo, Buwekula, Buruli, and Bugerere.
The 1900 agreement made matters bad for British’s most trusted servant –Buganda by taking off with 9000 square miles of land (mailo land). The mailo land was in later years inherited by modern post-independence government. Interestingly, while Buganda is demanding for its mailo land, Bunyoro, on the other hand, seems to say, ‘look here, you have my land as well.’ Restoration of traditional rulers and the return of their properties meant both the return of the Kings’ original influence and power over his area of jurisdiction and land that originally belonged to them. Even the granting of a federal system of rule in 1962 in response to the Buganda question (of total autonomy) could not heal the tumor in Obote’s government.
Today, such demands mean something different to different tribes and cultural leaders, just because even original stature of them also varies very much. For example, while Buganda was most endowed, strategically located, and most powerful kingdom –both economically, politically, and militarily, the rest only came second, third, fourth and last.
It is understandable that even the demand for greater autonomy towards the management of resources is led by Buganda –with less or no sympathy from the rest of other tribes. The mere return of kings as chiefs as traditional symbols did not please all –especially Buganda –whose previous stature was far above it only being symbolic.
The new position was out rightly accepted only as part of the process of acquiring all that belonged to it –including its former prestige and glory. The old Buganda within Uganda was a state within a state –which modern day political observers find ridiculous.
All post-independent governments have gone through this test and failed, which government then will ever succeed as future conflict continues to be centered on that? To such, not even previous constitution reviews famously set up in Museveni era have satisfactorily sorted out a new political arrangement between the central government and the traditional institution. Instead, they were filled with worse provocations to mainly, as expected, Buganda.
The first post-independent governments preferred to ignore such demands and assumed full control of all the countries affairs. But that was only a time bomb that exploded later in 1966 and the effects went on through the 1970s and 1980s –until the Buganda questions were attempted.
Instead of the famous federal system of governance demanded, the government in the best reasoning it did opted for regional tier system. The new resolution, as would be expected, did not do down the throats of most Baganda well. Simply, it was a concoction that was marketed to give the impression feral system gave, but practice was far from it.
It still did not give Buganda its rightful powers to run their own affairs that, probably, other kingdoms and chiefdoms would find interesting. The introduction of region tier had something in common with the 1967 constitution –in their justifications by the architects. They were all very carefully drawn to as much as possible control the powers of Buganda monarch.
Many political observers assert the federalism entrenches tribalism and associated tension in a given country –temptation which any keen leader will want to avoid as much as possible. Indeed federalism in the pre-colonial years was limited to tribes.
Now, with numerous tribes –big and small –joining hands to become a nation, federal as perceived change also has to take a different turn. The new federal is one that integrates all tribes to cooperate on matters of common interest.
In the post-colonial era tribalism still streamed through the social, political and economic life of Ugandans. Different presidents that came to power were in their best comfort compelled to hire aides and allocate important jobs and other privileges to their tribesmen –be it President Milton Obote, President Amin Dada, or President Museveni.
The reasons are best found in the roots of political party or armed rebellion were trusted men –mainly tribesmen join first to take up superior positions. The ill-effect in that kind of affairs is that different tribes will struggle by all means to get national power one after another –an element which renders a national violent prone –more so as each tribe waits to revenge for the ill-treatment of another that has just left power.
What model is best for sustainable peace in Uganda?
Once divided into the major sections Northern, Central and Southern Uganda, members of parliament (MPs) are voted from eight (11) geographical sub regions rather than on the basis of tribe. The number of MPs for each region (i.e. westnile, northern, north eastern, western, south eastern, central, west central, east central, eastern, south eastern, southern) is determined by the size and population. It is then the MPs –who vote into being the cabinet ministers –ensuring that eight (8) of them come from each of the three (3) main sub divisions. The cabinet ministers are there after tasked with electing the president among themselves, select resident district commissioners (RDCs), and determine new military chiefs, chief justices, judges, ambassadors, and permanent secretaries.
The engineering of elections is done by the chief justice –aided by a committee of judges. Candidates meet their nomination fees (20 million) –without political party support. The aim of non-partisan basis campaign is to omit the emphasis on representing party interests rather than those of the people.
The new system leaves behind the local government structures (i.e. local council one to local council five) to continue with their role of enabling the flow of public goods and services to the grassroots people.
The new arrangement has impressive outcomes: 1) reduce the number of MPs –whose number rose from 327 in 2010 to 375 in 2011 at the cost of 18m gross salary per month each notwithstanding the pending appeals to increase it further; 2) kill most chaos-ridden partisan politics in the country 3) reduce the number of districts and associated expenditures that are currently incurred; 4) enhance balanced regional development as each MPs potently represents people from his area of origin; 5) introduce leadership based on merit; introduce professionalism in the running the sensitive national elections; 6) introduce professionalism and neutrality of the armed forces; 7) introduce a pro-people yet sensitive national president and RDCs; 8) introduce term limits for both MPs and president; reduce the number of ministers and costs associated to them (from 76 to 24); and 9) eliminate uncertainties over succession.
The challenge is that the new system still bases itself on geographical regions that also are tribal. A lot of crossfire is expected at parliamentary level. That, though, is interestingly checked at cabinet and presidential levels.
The new system can offer a groundbreaking era of peaceful yet democratic change of government, effective delivery of public goods and services, positively restructure the political, social and cultural structural causes of violence, and reduce uncertainties over the bad economy as well as promote real nationalism.
*Grace Kibuuka is Senior Associate Researcher and CEO at Gold Guard International Group
Showing posts with label Consitutional Monarchs in Africa. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Consitutional Monarchs in Africa. Show all posts
Thursday, November 10, 2011
Friday, January 30, 2009
OUR PAST AND THE FUTURE: A STRONG BUGANDA WOULD POLICE FUTURE GOVERNMENTS
Before 1966, Buganda had a strong economy, unquestionably stable political system and an independent security force under a federal arrangement. It had virtually all sections of an independent state developed and sound, and capable of standing on its own without assistance from central government. With or without the office of the executive prime minister, it remained stable and unaffected.
It is with the same feeling that Buganda thought as well placed to undermine, tactfully subdue and make Kabaka's authority suffocate the central government's. Even reaching an extend of wanting to evict the central government from what was said to be its territory.
Gestures, as result, were made that directly portrayed Buganda's actions very dangerous to national stability. There, for example, were assassination attempts -which was provoking enough to cause war.
For them to add another insult by fronting the idea of evicting government out of Kampala -as if initiating an African phenomenon of Palestine-Israel conflict, would be simply unacceptable. Surely, no sitting head of government would have looked on rather than defend the integrity elected government.
With the first shot being at Uganda Army troops patrolling Lubiri -in response to intelligence reports that Mengo had been preparing for war, the battle had been sparked off. Several scores of military personnel were killed before Buganda's military secrets were revealed, and a single whip eventually used to end its arrogance.
But for the purposes of obtaining political capital, which many politicians often have had to do in order to guarantee their political success, Buganda's historical roles, were revised to a suitable martyrdom perspective. Buganda has had to be pampered show a different face of Kabaka Edward Mutesa II as no wrong doer or that killed no body in an attempted to overthrow an elected government.
There had to be big sweet-talking moves pledging to restore, firstly; the kingdom, and then its glory. They, consequently, rewrote and retold the whole story to make Buganda government look innocent from what had uniquely unfolded -in regards to responsibility and blame for events leading to the 1966 crisis and kingdom abolition.
In trying to set much deeper rooting of his government by abolishing monarchs after increased termite work from the Mengo, Iddi Amin scandalous activities and uncompromising opposition members of parliament only worsened Apollo Milton Obote's situation.
Obote unofficially lost civilian popularity and power, which prompted him to rely much on the military for political survival. Little did he know it would only send an impression to the military that national affairs, then, fell in their hands, rather than in unpopular head of the state. He became more of a beggar without option, before the then powerful army generals, whom he had to constantly appease to sustain his political life.
With Amin's corruption case at the peak, the greater opposition-member agitation, and insistence to pass vote of no confidence in government, the poor man was left confused. And, attempts to take disciplinary actions against Amin turned out to be a headbutt on the rock.
Since such appeasement would be accorded to whoever had power, and Obote, simply, had lost it, he was somebody just about to be isolated and done away with. Why would someone unpopular to the people, through whom he would derive first hand powers, become dependent on the army to survive, instead of using the occasion to renew his contract with the electorate?
Much as militarization of politics ensued afterwards, political events before 1967 and years later, clearly show showed how influential Buganda was in the political life-cycle of any regime. Obote's regime, as it became, was too weak to help itself out of tormenting political questions originating from 1966 crisis.
The kingdom's cross-generational bitter influence could not spare Amin either. In bid to stabilize his regime, Amin had to concede by starting off the course of Buganda rebirth. To begin with, was facilitating the return of Mutesa's remains to Uganda.
His political insecurities, however, could neither allow national peace and stability nor the complete process of kingdom revival. Throughout the civil war time, the monarch only survived in spirit, until some years when National Resistance Army/Movement (NRA/M) took over power.
To strengthen itself, the NRA/M government had to make major Buganda interests, a priority. Until recently, the other kingdoms too sprung up. They played the hyena role of taking advantage of Buganda kills to live on, as well.
And the trend continues -where Buganda plays the model role or takes the lead for other kingdoms to follow. So when some of them fail to organize themselves as kingdoms, it is likely the that idea remains alien to them, and perhaps could leave it for the architects.
Since its establishment shortly after NRM power take-over, Buganda rapidly developed into a well structured institution -with, for instance; a strong Lukiiko composition – whose strength was periodically sharpened to relentlessly keep pace with kingdom's demands. And it was from the Lukiiko that positive developments were monitored, analyzed, endorsed and enforced.
The focus on land and economics was another, as its “life,” as well as efforts to revive culture -through which solidarity in pursuit of any form of development would be expressed. Similarly, efforts were put on preserving kingship -as the symbol of Baganda's life, where kings mood could have dramatic influences on development, both in Buganda and Uganda.
Since its resurrection in 1987 and confirmation in 1993, Buganda must be proud to have reached a youthful stage. Just as expected of a growing up young man, he would show independent-like behaviors at one point, and, at another, show that the guardian was still needed for continued development.
For instance, when they insisted over federal arrangement earlier, and kabaka's tour of “subsidiary” territories like Nakasongola, they were forced back by government; an order, which they humbly adhered to.
They must have realized, perhaps, that it was not yet ripe for them to act beyond the way they did, but through their Lukiiko's hard core representatives, and those blessed to run for membership to the national parliament, a political point would be made -especially if majority representatives go through in the near future.
Definitely, Buganda interests, as well, could only be guaranteed effectively through politics, where monitoring and control affairs are given an edge. Therefore, it would be a joke to push Buganda out of politics. It is something that they have to contest for, as this would help it finally to grow in totality.
The strong political representation would help pave way for its economic development, stronger step towards cultural revival and above all; its renown pride. The Buganda pride, to other societies in Uganda, was a kind of indigenous colonization – against whom it would asses and manifest intellectual, cultural, economic and political superiority.
The other reference was, “wiseacres” – an act to show that they were above all others intellectually or rather, more civilized. With it, they could not hesitate to demand for even the unthinkable -like telling government to relocate particularly, every after masterminding a bitter conflict.
Too much pride, indeed, took them as far as war with the central government. However, unless otherwise, its pride, in future, could be undermined by the fact that they lack the privilege to own arms -which Obote gave and with drew from them.
But, as the colonial saying went, “power belongs to the one with gun powder,” as potentially an important vein for surviving an imminent political conflict, it could give Buganda another moment of concern and thought. What would be expected for whoever felt his or her path towards cherished goals were blocked?
Of course, one would not rule out the possibility of ferrying in weapons to capture “ebyaffe” by force. It is the most revered source of glory that they very much for. Much of the repetitions of the glorious days and struggles towards it could emerge. But to be reminded, it would not be the first or last. There was Uganda Freedom Movement and some UPDF renegades like Itongwa attempting to revive Buganda's glory.
Indeed, a stronger Buganda, at the level of its most glorious years in history, could destabilize the country, especially when Baganda views turned out to be as extreme as then. But, if it led by moderate Lukiiko – or parliament, a stronger Buganda would help create a helpful system of checks and balances for any group in power.
Waiswa Jacob
Situation Health Analyst
P.O. BOX 8885
KAMPALA-UGANDA
Tel. +256774336277 or 0754890614
It is with the same feeling that Buganda thought as well placed to undermine, tactfully subdue and make Kabaka's authority suffocate the central government's. Even reaching an extend of wanting to evict the central government from what was said to be its territory.
Gestures, as result, were made that directly portrayed Buganda's actions very dangerous to national stability. There, for example, were assassination attempts -which was provoking enough to cause war.
For them to add another insult by fronting the idea of evicting government out of Kampala -as if initiating an African phenomenon of Palestine-Israel conflict, would be simply unacceptable. Surely, no sitting head of government would have looked on rather than defend the integrity elected government.
With the first shot being at Uganda Army troops patrolling Lubiri -in response to intelligence reports that Mengo had been preparing for war, the battle had been sparked off. Several scores of military personnel were killed before Buganda's military secrets were revealed, and a single whip eventually used to end its arrogance.
But for the purposes of obtaining political capital, which many politicians often have had to do in order to guarantee their political success, Buganda's historical roles, were revised to a suitable martyrdom perspective. Buganda has had to be pampered show a different face of Kabaka Edward Mutesa II as no wrong doer or that killed no body in an attempted to overthrow an elected government.
There had to be big sweet-talking moves pledging to restore, firstly; the kingdom, and then its glory. They, consequently, rewrote and retold the whole story to make Buganda government look innocent from what had uniquely unfolded -in regards to responsibility and blame for events leading to the 1966 crisis and kingdom abolition.
In trying to set much deeper rooting of his government by abolishing monarchs after increased termite work from the Mengo, Iddi Amin scandalous activities and uncompromising opposition members of parliament only worsened Apollo Milton Obote's situation.
Obote unofficially lost civilian popularity and power, which prompted him to rely much on the military for political survival. Little did he know it would only send an impression to the military that national affairs, then, fell in their hands, rather than in unpopular head of the state. He became more of a beggar without option, before the then powerful army generals, whom he had to constantly appease to sustain his political life.
With Amin's corruption case at the peak, the greater opposition-member agitation, and insistence to pass vote of no confidence in government, the poor man was left confused. And, attempts to take disciplinary actions against Amin turned out to be a headbutt on the rock.
Since such appeasement would be accorded to whoever had power, and Obote, simply, had lost it, he was somebody just about to be isolated and done away with. Why would someone unpopular to the people, through whom he would derive first hand powers, become dependent on the army to survive, instead of using the occasion to renew his contract with the electorate?
Much as militarization of politics ensued afterwards, political events before 1967 and years later, clearly show showed how influential Buganda was in the political life-cycle of any regime. Obote's regime, as it became, was too weak to help itself out of tormenting political questions originating from 1966 crisis.
The kingdom's cross-generational bitter influence could not spare Amin either. In bid to stabilize his regime, Amin had to concede by starting off the course of Buganda rebirth. To begin with, was facilitating the return of Mutesa's remains to Uganda.
His political insecurities, however, could neither allow national peace and stability nor the complete process of kingdom revival. Throughout the civil war time, the monarch only survived in spirit, until some years when National Resistance Army/Movement (NRA/M) took over power.
To strengthen itself, the NRA/M government had to make major Buganda interests, a priority. Until recently, the other kingdoms too sprung up. They played the hyena role of taking advantage of Buganda kills to live on, as well.
And the trend continues -where Buganda plays the model role or takes the lead for other kingdoms to follow. So when some of them fail to organize themselves as kingdoms, it is likely the that idea remains alien to them, and perhaps could leave it for the architects.
Since its establishment shortly after NRM power take-over, Buganda rapidly developed into a well structured institution -with, for instance; a strong Lukiiko composition – whose strength was periodically sharpened to relentlessly keep pace with kingdom's demands. And it was from the Lukiiko that positive developments were monitored, analyzed, endorsed and enforced.
The focus on land and economics was another, as its “life,” as well as efforts to revive culture -through which solidarity in pursuit of any form of development would be expressed. Similarly, efforts were put on preserving kingship -as the symbol of Baganda's life, where kings mood could have dramatic influences on development, both in Buganda and Uganda.
Since its resurrection in 1987 and confirmation in 1993, Buganda must be proud to have reached a youthful stage. Just as expected of a growing up young man, he would show independent-like behaviors at one point, and, at another, show that the guardian was still needed for continued development.
For instance, when they insisted over federal arrangement earlier, and kabaka's tour of “subsidiary” territories like Nakasongola, they were forced back by government; an order, which they humbly adhered to.
They must have realized, perhaps, that it was not yet ripe for them to act beyond the way they did, but through their Lukiiko's hard core representatives, and those blessed to run for membership to the national parliament, a political point would be made -especially if majority representatives go through in the near future.
Definitely, Buganda interests, as well, could only be guaranteed effectively through politics, where monitoring and control affairs are given an edge. Therefore, it would be a joke to push Buganda out of politics. It is something that they have to contest for, as this would help it finally to grow in totality.
The strong political representation would help pave way for its economic development, stronger step towards cultural revival and above all; its renown pride. The Buganda pride, to other societies in Uganda, was a kind of indigenous colonization – against whom it would asses and manifest intellectual, cultural, economic and political superiority.
The other reference was, “wiseacres” – an act to show that they were above all others intellectually or rather, more civilized. With it, they could not hesitate to demand for even the unthinkable -like telling government to relocate particularly, every after masterminding a bitter conflict.
Too much pride, indeed, took them as far as war with the central government. However, unless otherwise, its pride, in future, could be undermined by the fact that they lack the privilege to own arms -which Obote gave and with drew from them.
But, as the colonial saying went, “power belongs to the one with gun powder,” as potentially an important vein for surviving an imminent political conflict, it could give Buganda another moment of concern and thought. What would be expected for whoever felt his or her path towards cherished goals were blocked?
Of course, one would not rule out the possibility of ferrying in weapons to capture “ebyaffe” by force. It is the most revered source of glory that they very much for. Much of the repetitions of the glorious days and struggles towards it could emerge. But to be reminded, it would not be the first or last. There was Uganda Freedom Movement and some UPDF renegades like Itongwa attempting to revive Buganda's glory.
Indeed, a stronger Buganda, at the level of its most glorious years in history, could destabilize the country, especially when Baganda views turned out to be as extreme as then. But, if it led by moderate Lukiiko – or parliament, a stronger Buganda would help create a helpful system of checks and balances for any group in power.
Waiswa Jacob
Situation Health Analyst
P.O. BOX 8885
KAMPALA-UGANDA
Tel. +256774336277 or 0754890614
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