Role of NGOs in Rural Development

Kigenyi Asifu

MA Rural Development

Department of Sociology

Makerere University

November 2011

Introduction

NGOs are legally constituted organizations created by natural or legal persons that operate independently from any government. The term originated from the united nations (UN) and is normally used to refer to organizations that do not form part of the government, and are not convention for profit business. Essentially Non-Government Organizations (NGOs) are organizations which are: (i) not based in government; and (ii) not created to earn a profit (Global Education 2001).

Some of the characteristics of NGOs are: they are not profit oriented, independent from the state, privately initiated, objectives and activities focus on development, have structured and systematic and formal activities or roles to play, and are engaged in charity and empowerment. They are local or international acting outside government arms (autonomous). According to the Convention of Biodiversity (CBD), they pursue the interests of one or more groups through lobbying and/or direct action.

Role of NGOs in Rural development

Both local and international NGOs have played a critical role to ensure that rural areas develop. They do that by developing programs that transform communities from miserable to humanly dignifying states. NGOs have positive characteristics which make their impact more readily felt and their activities result oriented. They emphasize self-reliance and underline popular participation in their activities (Olujide, M. 2006).

Agriculture Development

Since agriculture is the backbone of Uganda’s economy, many organizations have channeled resources to it, for example, national research organization. It (NARO) gives guidance and coordinate all agricultural research activities (NARO 2011). Many other NGOs have come up with agricultural programs aims at fighting food insecurity like Hunger Project and Heifer Uganda. They provide training for sustainable livelihood and give agricultural aid to farmers to kick-start actual agricultural practice. With these services they have evidently reduced poverty, and may have improved food security and nutrition and achieved positive social change as well (Zeller, M., Sharma, M., Ahmed, A., & Rashid, S. 2001).

Appropriate Education with Rural Consideration

NGOs have played an important role of improving the education system that capture the real needs of a nation, like the agricultural practice and promotion in countries whose economy is dependent on it. According to Institute of Security Studies –Africa, agriculture in 1999/2000 accounted for about 42% of GDP and for the bulk of exports. The sector employs around 80% of the labor force.

Improvement in the Health Sector

NGOs have greatly contributed positively to the health sector in the fight against HIV/AIDS, malaria, and improvement in water access and sanitation, for example, the Uganda Village Project in Eastern Uganda is famed for public health promotions –in which the community health concerns, named above, fall. Other such organizations include: AIDS Information Center, The AIDS Support Organization (TASO), and The Elizabeth Glaser Foundation. They conduct counseling and HIV testing, empowers affected communities with vital health information for prevention and survival, and have networking bodies through which they pool resources to increase effectiveness of health programs management.

Support to HIV/AIDS Orphans

Among the programs run by most NGOs operating in rural areas is support for HIV/AIDS orphans. Uganda Village Project, in Iganga District has such a component, and so is TASO, and Mildmay. Others common in the area of HIV/AIDS orphan support are New Hope African Children Ministries located Busia, Eastern Uganda and Mama Jane in Jinja. The support offered attempts to address the general rights of children like right to education, right to health, and the right to education –all of which are met by NGOs. In 2010, 3,500 HIV/AIDS orphans and vulnerable children in the Rwenzori region benefited from the support from the Bantwana Initiatives, an international NGO (Nzinjah, J. 2010).

Housing and Access to Clean Water

NGOs develop programs aimed at improving housing conditions and access to clean water in areas with most need of them. The Union of Community Development Volunteers based in Mengo has upcountry activities (like borehole construction, community cleaning, and micro finance scheme) targeting most vulnerable communities in Bukomansimbi, Mpigi and Rakai Districts. Other related organizations are Slum Aid International and Habitat for Humanity. UNDP works with a wide range of partners in Uganda to create the space build capacity and offer the tools needed to integrate the MDGs into the planning and implementation of national policies (UNDP 2011).

Information Technology and Rural Transformation

Information Technology has been made part and parcel of rural advancement strategy. The Busoga Rural Open Source and Development Initiative (BROSDI) has been instrument at championing that cause through civil society empowerment in their efforts to transform rural communities (BROSDI 2011).

Promotion of Women Rights

It has been NGOs that have played a leading role n promotion of women rights. The federations of women lawyers (FIDA) offer a voice and free legal services to women. By helping to empower women, NGOs have in a way helped to accelerate development faster than ever. Women are now engaged in micro-finance projects to support families effectively, and helped transform men into responsible citizens –in as far as family care is concerned. FIDA does that nationally, regionally, and internationally (FIDA 2009).

Natural Conservation, Climate Change and Food Security

NGOs educate the masses about issues of climate change and environmental health –all of which hold life systems in in balance once moderated. By so doing, humanity is saved from numerous catastrophes like famine, scarcity and inflation (through actions like family planning education), and natural disasters. In Uganda, Save Mabira Crusade and a cluster of other NGOs have led such a Noble cause. Uganda's climate is naturally variable and susceptible to flood and drought events which have had negative socio-economic impacts in the past (Department for International Development 2008).

Civic Participation

NGOs have contributed to democracy and governance through research, information dissemination, training, and advocacy. The DEM Group has highly spoken of in regards to its work of education the masses about democracy and conducting election evaluation analyses. According to Deepening Democracy Program in Uganda (2005), civic education has potential to address this by enabling citizens to be appropriately informed so that they make considered decisions and play an active role in democratization. NGOs play an increasingly important role in expanding local service delivery capacity, demanding transparency and accountability, and advocating rights in various sectoral fields (education, water, etc.) as well as cross cutting issues such as human rights and cultural issues (Egli, W. & Zürcher, D. 2007).

The Misadventure of NGOs

Along the path of causing socioeconomic, sociopolitical, cultural and ecological developments NGOs, like any humanly engaging activity face some mishaps.

Less or No Grassroots Impact

NGOs have been criticized for lack of impact and rather being profit-oriented than genuinely service providers. High cost of administration makes it hard for organizations to survive. There have been lots of reports implicating orphanages in much abuse of children. Love Ministries Orphanage in Kisimu village in Nabweru sub-county in Wakiso district is one of such organizations closed for professing selfishness in pretext of orphaned children care (Ssenkaaba, S. 2011).

Internal Disharmony and Corruption

Reports, also, cite lack of harmony within NGOs. They fail to represent the same virtues preached by them when internal administration is marred my crises. The cause of the crises normally is the struggle for positions that scoop huge rewards. NGOs and CBOs, tend to have weak coordination mechanisms, small membership bases, and are dominated by strong personalities (NGO Resource Centre and Tanzania Association of NGOs 2008). And once funds begin to trickle in wars break up even more –leading to organization disrepute. Similarly, the mismanagement of funds in mainly smaller organizations threatens the good reputation of NGOs –generally (Project Performance Evaluation Report 2001).

Lack of political Support and Recognition

Common is African young democracies is the problem of dictatorships. Emergence of NGOs that condemn the bad governance practices has very often led to tensions between them and government. As a result their operations are time and again foiled and make organizations goals unreachable. In some of such countries like Somalia and Sudan, NGOs have ceased to exist. In Uganda annual re-registration of all NGOs is a criteria meant to ‘humble’ them. Despite being Noble in their roles, affected NGOs get rejected by government (who are key stakeholders in their success) (Jagawat, H. 2002).

Over-dependence of Donor Funds and Limited Capacity

Over-dependence rather than interdependence mentality disable the creative minds of organizations. When projects are either phased out or not of interest for funders, they easily close –a situation that affects beneficiaries –fatally. Donor dependency has been cited as a chronic problem that constantly compromises CSOs and makes them vulnerable (NGO Resource Centre and Tanzania Association of NGOs 2008).

NGO formation is first characterized by strong personalities behind them more than anything else. Once operational stage episodes, they miserably fail to meet organizations needs details. Such organizations based on personalities suffer collapse even when that personality-figure dies. Sustainability of their programs is often questioned and a big question from donors. NGOs (or CBOs) at both the national and local levels face serious shortages of professional staff and problems of staff retention. Very few of them have an adequate policy analysis capability to engage with the Government (NGO Resource Centre and Tanzania Association of NGOs 2008). 

Conclusion

NGOs at whatever level and discipline do impact lives of communities positively. Non-Governmental organizations by the virtue of being small-scale, flexible, innovative and participatory are more successful in reaching the poor and in poverty alleviating. Their work, like social mobilization is a continuous process aimed at changing minds, attitudes and behaviors of the people to involve in any development process (Villi, C. no date). That, though, has been undermined by some selfish-driven ones. It is, therefore, important that they are evaluated as much as they do against government or whatever community ills.

References
BROSDI (2011) About Us @ http://www.brosdi.or.ug/about_us.html Accessed on 10th November 2011

Convention of Biodiversity (no date) Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) @ http://www.cbd.int/ngo/ Accessed on 11th November 2011

Department for International Development (2008) Climate change in Uganda: Understanding the implications and appraising the response Executive Summary Relief Web (Uganda) @ http://reliefweb.int/node/299809 Accessed on 10th November 2011

Deepening Democracy Programme in Uganda (2005) Encouraging more active and participatory civic engagement @ http://ddp.ug/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=71&Itemid=96 Accessed on 10th November 2011


Global Education (2001) Non-government organisations (NGOs) @ http://www.globaleducation.edna.edu.au/globaled/go/pid/1808 Accessed on 11th November 2011

FIDA (2009) Who we are? @ http://www.fidafederation.org/who-we-are/ Accessed on 10th November 2011

Institute of Security Studies –Africa (no date) @ http://www.issafrica.org/AF/profiles/Uganda/Economy.html#top Accessed on 10th November 2011

Jagawat, H. (2002) Need to Provide Greater Scope to NGOs in National Development NMSWDF 20.04.2002 @ http://www.nmsadguru.org/Article_NeedToProvideGreaterScope.html Accessed on 11th November 2011

NARO (2011) NARO @ http://www.naro.go.ug/ Accessed on 10th November 2011

NGO Resource Centre and Tanzania Association of NGOs (2008) Fighting Poverty Together Case Studies of Collaboration between Civil Society Organisations and the Government in Tanzania NGO Resource Centre (TZ) p.10

New Paradigm for Sustainable Peace in Uganda

By Grace Kibuuka*

Peace is widely understood as a state of harmony and tranquility experienced at micro and macro levels. Peace has eluded Uganda for a handful of centuries. Before the years of foreign influence, most spectacular of conflicts ever experienced in Uganda were migration-based. Underlying precipitant of them were diseases, climate and population-related causes and, later, the desire of national prestige. It was first, the Bachwezi influence and rule, and soon after its collapse, there came the Luo-Babito.

The coming of foreigners to Uganda between 1840s and 1870s only led to the shaping of conflict to suit their interests. They achieved that using existing powers like Buganda, but also because of its strategic location. Religious factor was first to come into play and to arouse conflict. Renowned kingdoms at the time were Ankole, Tooro, Bunyoro and the influential Buganda.

Different religions not only came into antagonism with existing traditional beliefs –about the concept of God, but also competed between themselves for supremacy and influence. That caused leadership and cultural paralysis before most dominant religion took the day.

The kings were first to be tamed –especially those of Buganda. For strategic reasons, it was important that they colonize Buganda first. Kings –especially in Buganda made temporary attempts to switch from one religion to another –depending on which missionaries or agents provided most pleasing gifts and military support against their enemies.

Their subjects were most antagonized by the new religions –as they were not at all ready for them, but rather, very happy and entrenched in their indigenous belief systems. Through the years there were religious battles –in which the supremacy of protestant missionaries was defined. Their influence also shaped future leadership of Uganda –so much that leaders that followed within and outside Buganda were significantly Anglicans.

While new religions were spreading like burning bush in Uganda, foreign politics was too taking root in the country. That was made real when Uganda was made a British protectorate in 1884-5. Uganda, then received a British representatives charged with exploitation of the natural resources and to strengthen their rule. That, though, came with impressive developments like the construction of the Uganda railway.

It did not only help them gain firm use of the countries resources but also to ease administration that stretched far into the Mediterranean Sea. Uganda was thus pivotal in securing British interests along the Nile to Egypt. Such arrangement was later inherited by future Egyptian governments –who until today relentless struggle to protect their bloody relationship with River Nile.

Because the British had formed the administrative base in Buganda, it is little wonder today that much of the developments, if not all, exist there. Within the security forces, though, it was northern religion that has been earmarked for the elite role –an influence that carried the day until now. The difference only lies in the question of who controls the security forces.

Existing administrative structures were subdued and made to serve the British such that orders from the British government easily trickled into the different kingdoms and chiefdoms around the country. Buganda was important sergeant in the course of subduing other kingdoms and chiefdoms like Bunyoro. And because of its impressive work, it was rewards with more land to it. Such are the famous areas of Bugangaizi, Buyaga, Kiryandongo, Buwekula, Buruli, and Bugerere.

The 1900 agreement made matters bad for British’s most trusted servant –Buganda by taking off with 9000 square miles of land (mailo land). The mailo land was in later years inherited by modern post-independence government. Interestingly, while Buganda is demanding for its mailo land, Bunyoro, on the other hand, seems to say, ‘look here, you have my land as well.’ Restoration of traditional rulers and the return of their properties meant both the return of the Kings’ original influence and power over his area of jurisdiction and land that originally belonged to them. Even the granting of a federal system of rule in 1962 in response to the Buganda question (of total autonomy) could not heal the tumor in Obote’s government.

Today, such demands mean something different to different tribes and cultural leaders, just because even original stature of them also varies very much. For example, while Buganda was most endowed, strategically located, and most powerful kingdom –both economically, politically, and militarily, the rest only came second, third, fourth and last.

It is understandable that even the demand for greater autonomy towards the management of resources is led by Buganda –with less or no sympathy from the rest of other tribes. The mere return of kings as chiefs as traditional symbols did not please all –especially Buganda –whose previous stature was far above it only being symbolic.

The new position was out rightly accepted only as part of the process of acquiring all that belonged to it –including its former prestige and glory. The old Buganda within Uganda was a state within a state –which modern day political observers find ridiculous.

All post-independent governments have gone through this test and failed, which government then will ever succeed as future conflict continues to be centered on that? To such, not even previous constitution reviews famously set up in Museveni era have satisfactorily sorted out a new political arrangement between the central government and the traditional institution. Instead, they were filled with worse provocations to mainly, as expected, Buganda.

The first post-independent governments preferred to ignore such demands and assumed full control of all the countries affairs. But that was only a time bomb that exploded later in 1966 and the effects went on through the 1970s and 1980s –until the Buganda questions were attempted.

Instead of the famous federal system of governance demanded, the government in the best reasoning it did opted for regional tier system. The new resolution, as would be expected, did not do down the throats of most Baganda well. Simply, it was a concoction that was marketed to give the impression feral system gave, but practice was far from it.

It still did not give Buganda its rightful powers to run their own affairs that, probably, other kingdoms and chiefdoms would find interesting. The introduction of region tier had something in common with the 1967 constitution –in their justifications by the architects. They were all very carefully drawn to as much as possible control the powers of Buganda monarch.

Many political observers assert the federalism entrenches tribalism and associated tension in a given country –temptation which any keen leader will want to avoid as much as possible. Indeed federalism in the pre-colonial years was limited to tribes.

Now, with numerous tribes –big and small –joining hands to become a nation, federal as perceived change also has to take a different turn. The new federal is one that integrates all tribes to cooperate on matters of common interest.

In the post-colonial era tribalism still streamed through the social, political and economic life of Ugandans. Different presidents that came to power were in their best comfort compelled to hire aides and allocate important jobs and other privileges to their tribesmen –be it President Milton Obote, President Amin Dada, or President Museveni.

The reasons are best found in the roots of political party or armed rebellion were trusted men –mainly tribesmen join first to take up superior positions. The ill-effect in that kind of affairs is that different tribes will struggle by all means to get national power one after another –an element which renders a national violent prone –more so as each tribe waits to revenge for the ill-treatment of another that has just left power.

What model is best for sustainable peace in Uganda?
Once divided into the major sections Northern, Central and Southern Uganda, members of parliament (MPs) are voted from eight (11) geographical sub regions rather than on the basis of tribe. The number of MPs for each region (i.e. westnile, northern, north eastern, western, south eastern, central, west central, east central, eastern, south eastern, southern) is determined by the size and population. It is then the MPs –who vote into being the cabinet ministers –ensuring that eight (8) of them come from each of the three (3) main sub divisions. The cabinet ministers are there after tasked with electing the president among themselves, select resident district commissioners (RDCs), and determine new military chiefs, chief justices, judges, ambassadors, and permanent secretaries.

The engineering of elections is done by the chief justice –aided by a committee of judges. Candidates meet their nomination fees (20 million) –without political party support. The aim of non-partisan basis campaign is to omit the emphasis on representing party interests rather than those of the people.

The new system leaves behind the local government structures (i.e. local council one to local council five) to continue with their role of enabling the flow of public goods and services to the grassroots people.

The new arrangement has impressive outcomes: 1) reduce the number of MPs –whose number rose from 327 in 2010 to 375 in 2011 at the cost of 18m gross salary per month each notwithstanding the pending appeals to increase it further; 2) kill most chaos-ridden partisan politics in the country 3) reduce the number of districts and associated expenditures that are currently incurred; 4) enhance balanced regional development as each MPs potently represents people from his area of origin; 5) introduce leadership based on merit; introduce professionalism in the running the sensitive national elections; 6) introduce professionalism and neutrality of the armed forces; 7) introduce a pro-people yet sensitive national president and RDCs; 8) introduce term limits for both MPs and president; reduce the number of ministers and costs associated to them (from 76 to 24); and 9) eliminate uncertainties over succession.

The challenge is that the new system still bases itself on geographical regions that also are tribal. A lot of crossfire is expected at parliamentary level. That, though, is interestingly checked at cabinet and presidential levels.

The new system can offer a groundbreaking era of peaceful yet democratic change of government, effective delivery of public goods and services, positively restructure the political, social and cultural structural causes of violence, and reduce uncertainties over the bad economy as well as promote real nationalism.

*Grace Kibuuka is Senior Associate Researcher and CEO at Gold Guard International Group

An Open Letter to a Ugandan Voter (FWD)...

January 2011

Dear Ugandan,

RE: ABUSE OF TAXPAYER MONEY AND WASTAGE OF PUBLIC FUNDS BY GOVERNMENT AND PARLIAMENT OF UGANDA AND 6 ACTIONS YOU CAN TAKE TO MAKE A DIFFERENCE!

As you read this letter, just remember that your primary allegiance is to our country and our flag. Also remember that almost 10 million of our 33 million citizens live in abject poverty, can’t afford to have a decent meal, can’t afford basic healthcare or can’t afford to give their children a quality education. Think of a generation of children that can’t access quality education, an army of educated and uneducated youth that are losing confidence in themselves as a result of massive unemployment - all this because of bad leadership across the board!

Because of love for our country and the respect for our flag, you will think that our president as the custodian of our sovereignty and resources, our government as the ultimate planning authority for our country and our Members of Parliament as protector of our collective public trust should every single day and night be working on how to fix the above and many other problems that confront out country. Every single shilling that comes out of the sweat of toiling Ugandan farmers, teachers, doctors, artisans, fishermen, public servants, etc would be spent on fixing these problems.

It is only when you see what is happening around us that you begin to ask: where did our leaders put their conscience; when did we lose the decency that made each one of us brothers and sisters during our darkest times of the 1970s and 1980s? How did corruption become the virtue that defines our political and economic culture? As you are aware, within a space of a few years, our country has witnessed gross abuses and blatant theft of public funds from the Ushs 5 million that bought are democracy by removing presidential term limits to the Global and GAVI Funds, the Temangalo and CHOGM Scandal, the Ushs 20 Million questionably deposited on the Accounts of all Members of Parliament and many others.

In many ways, financial tyranny and daylight robbery is being passed on Ugandan Tax Payers who struggle day and night for only modest returns. And it is these moneys that are stolen by political leaders and public officials who are in constant collusion to defraud Ugandans through open theft or misallocation of tax payer’s money to support a growing and increasingly burdensome political bureaucracy that includes over 330 MPs, over 70 Ministers, 112 RDCs and over 100 Presidential Advisors, among others.

In the latest rip off, without shame Parliament unreasonably approved a Supplementary Budget of over 602.648 Billion. Following this infamous act, 6.5 Billion widely believed to be a bribe was deposited on the accounts of all MPs, with each getting about 20 million each, officially meant to facilitate them to “monitor” government programmes. Already MPs get all manner of allowances to do the same and the 20
million this time like never before is a big amount and with no guidelines on how the money is to be spent. Without a shame, the Uganda Revenue Authority (URA) jumped into the fray to collected tax on the taxpayers’ money that was being siphoned from the consolidated fund.

Fellow Ugandans, the time has come for all of us to condemn and reject official and unofficial corruption. This is the time to say ENOUGH and to reclaim our country from greed and political patronage that have become the hallmark of our governance. If there was any decency left in Government, in political leaders, they would know that the 6.5 Billion fraudulently paid to MPs would:
Increase access to safe water especially in the rural areas by constructing over 2,500 boreholes;
It would promote science education in secondary school by constructing and equipping at least 350 secondary schools with science laboratories;
Improve sanitation in schools and communities by constructing at least 50,000 latrines across the country;
Provide lunch meals for at least 200,000 pupils who go hungry for a complete academic year!
Improve farmers’ access to improved varieties of crops by giving 10,0000 coffee seedlings;
Promote agriculture by providing 3.600,000 hand hoes to small scale farmers;
Reduce youth unemployment and promote the growth of small scale businesses by providing micro credit to at least 300,000 entrepreneurs;
Provide 6 years of funding at the current funding levels to Gulu University, which is on the verge of closure.
And, many more worthy undertakings for our people in urban and rural areas.

As Ugandans, we MUST reject the cosmetic anti-corruption reforms that have only produced anti-corruption institutions, policies and action plans that only postpone action, hoodwink Ugandans and create comfort zones for political leaders, while shameless corruption continues. We implore you to play your part and take the following 6 actions:
1. Applaud and associate with those Members of Parliament who have done the honorable act by refusing to steal from the Ugandan tax payer and returned the money to parliament. So far twelve (12) MPs have done so, and several shown willingness to return it.
2. Demand, at any forum and through whatever medium is available to you that our President immediately takes action against corrupt ministers and restores his personal credibility as a crusader against corruption and also restores honor to the Office of the President.
3. Demand that all MPs, including the Speaker of Parliament return the 20 million fraudulently deposited on their accounts. As long as they don’t do this, they don’t deserve the tag honorable and must be treated as such in public places.
4. Reject any form of bribes during this election as this is part of the ‘blood money’ that our leaders are dishing to the electorate and most importantly DON’T VOTE FOR ANY MP OR LEADER INVOLVED IN CORRUPTION.
5. AND before you cast your vote on February 18, PLEASE MAKE SURE YOU CHECK THAT IF THAT CANDIDATE IS AN INCUMBENT MP, HE/SHE HAS FULLY PAID BACK OUR MONEY.
6. Finally, pass on this letter to 10 other Ugandans you interact with in your neighborhood, at the work place, in your church, hospital and restaurant, and tell them to do the same.

Fellow Ugandan, it is in our power to change the fortunes of OUR country. No where in the world has collective and sustained citizen action for good failed - play your part and do what you can, however modest it seems. Collectively, we will save our country from anarchy in the short and long term.


IT IS OUR COUNTRY. IT IS OUR MONEY. LET US BE PROUD TO BE UGANDANS. FIGHTING AGAINST CORRUPT LEADERS IS AN HONOR WE GIVE TO OUR COUNTRY.


BE PART OF THE ACTION IN THE “RETURN OUR MONEY CAMPAIGN”

Cultural and Religious Terrorism: Which Way to Go and Whose Responsibility?

Again female genital mutilation (FGM) ceremony has been conducted successfully without any leader, or so called NGOs raising a voice. The Saturday Vision, 6th November, 2010, reported that 200 girls have been lined up in the districts of Bukwo and Kapchorwa for circumcision come, December 2010.

Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) is a shame on ‘the pearl of Africa` in the contemporary times! .This practice involves the removal of all or part of the female genetalia. The remaining flesh (outer lips) may then be stitched together in a procedure known as infibulations.

And small hole that allows menstruation and urination remains after infibulations, both intercourse and child birth will cause pain and young girls that undergo mutilation will never gain pleasure from sex. Others die in the process!

The penalty for a person caught practicing Female Genital Mutilation is 10 years sentence in jail and one that causes death of the young girl in same act faces life sentence. Traditional culture is not a substitute of human rights, it is the cultural context in which human rights must be established, integrated, promoted and protected.

Human rights must be approached in a way that is meaningful and relevant in the cultural context that ultimately yields lasting peace among the people. FGM is typical cultural violence, demeans society members, and causes stigma and discrimination all that breeds conflict and eventually wars.

It is upon the state by any means to directly intervene, not just to cause impressions by passing bills and watch as nationals continue to be agonised each other in the name of culture. According to the Bible, the disciples sailing on stormy water mass could not hold, they woke up Jesus and he calmed the storm (Mk 4:39)!

Where are the religious leaders? What about the civil society? Please call at a loud voice and have Uganda`s future leaders get saved from permanent shame and damage. The actors should know that peace does come from violent culture but from the hearts of the people ready to cause peaceful decisions to change society. To all Ugandans, it remains rather a contention of naivety to boast of peace in Uganda amidst such gross violation of human rights.

Last Saturday in a new vision report by Womakuyu Fredrick (December 4th, 2010 P.3), it was reportedly a fulfillment of that promise the elders made to the whole world that they would circumcise 200 girls; 120 girls were circumcised, and only 80 of the planned figure escaped. It is a pity, more so that a big chunk of today’s leadership is pursuing rounds of terms of service to keep culturally enslaved Ugandans in a life-threatening practice (FGM).

Unfortunately, most Ugandans never care –so long as it is other individuals affected. In a peace session of 30 participants discussing peace and in particular FGM, only two said the practice is an acceptable; the rest simply condoned it saying it was a cultural right.

Even when one of the two participants –who expressed bitterness about FGM put it clearly to the best education of participants that FGM was as bad as cutting off the whole penis of a man, they were, still, not moved.

The same happened for a long time regarding Karamoja –when most people justified their way of life –probably as a source of national income –through tourism. It is a struggle, which either caring Sabiny people, if there is any, the media, or international community must commit themselves to and help arrest the situation.

Otherwise, Uganda’s unrepresentative government, nursing only their prolonged stay in power and economic greed, very unreliable yet determined to keep the status quo cannot be entrusted anymore with lives of Ugandans –as was evidenced by events that have happened over a period of five to ten years.

The Incidents like the cult mass murders in Kanungu in 2000 –in which over 1,000 members of the movement for the restoration of the ten commandments ignorantly, without prevention mechanism in place of any kind by the state lost their lives; the September 11th, 2009 riots in which 30 unarmed civilians were massacred by security agencies; and the July 11th, 2010 terror attacks –in which over 76 Ugandans were killed. And in all such violence, government either did not warn the population or received outcomes as breaking news.

The same report by Womakuyu indicated that the UN Fund for population Activities allocated around $300,000 for FGM activities, but, until now, there is nothing on the ground to report about. So we observe a marriage of harmful corruption and harmful culture giving rise to traumatic conditions, and throughout the years until now a nation with no value for life, or rather too cheap to feel the losses and destructions it.

Even the patriotic program being fronted by the leadership is only aimed at dividing Ugandans further only to add on the lasting effects of individual merit politics once concretized by the same regime. Now people have been blinded-folded by ‘another rap’ more new promises without questioning those whose dates to materialize are as Christianizing as the coming of Christ promise.

Now if the leadership fails to show concern about life threatening scenarios like child sacrifice, jiggers, corruption in the health sector, rampant robberies and simple murders in the outskirts of the city; and Ugandans too fail, who shall be take the responsibility to intervene and stop the nonsense? Do not get surprised when the jigger-affected people –who have won international sympathy accept status quo by electing the same leadership to keep around national problems by 99% vote.

But responsibility begins with the individual, but the Saturday Vision report by Womakuyu showed that even FGM candidates can be ‘irresponsible’ by giving in the risky practice. For example, Alice Chemutai –who gave in to FGM, and after it she said, “I am happy I have become a woman by being circumcised. I will be able to do what other cut women do. I will now be able to climb into the granary or milk cows, which I was not allowed to do till now” is a good case.

When the cost-benefit analysis is brought into play to compare such a statement and the life-long impairment of the reproductive system, the cost beats any such culturally-assumed benefits. These are the issues NGOs –especially with reproductive health and human rights components need to outline during sensitisation programs if any.

Unfortunately, reports show that there is nothing on the ground despite funds inflow to support those programs. Of course, government or health ministry must not be mentioned here if the FGM must be redirected and uprooted out of the mental faculties of the affected communities. It is already evidenced that they can not deliver.

The questions remain: what is the role of the law enforcement agencies or the obligation of government to its people? Who do the leadership represent, or the technocrats? Could they be representatives of animals or themselves? Where are the policy makers and technocrats? Can leaders and agencies concern account for the funds they receive to run health, security, and human rights programs? Where is patriotism and who does it serve? Should field media men and women involve police on life-threatening matters –as a more proactive press?


By

Richard Rurangwa Byamukama and Jacob Waiswa
Conflict and Peace Centre, Makerere University

The Role of Civil Society Organizations in Good Governance: A Case of Ekimeza in Uganda

By

Jacob Waiswa

Situation Health Analyst

Dishma Inc.

Introduction:
According to the Wikipedia.org (2010), civil society was a composition of totality of voluntary civic and social organizations and institutions that formed a basis of functioning of a society. The idea of ekimeza in Uganda was generated in 1999 by radio one –the countries local English language station. The ekimeza was a roundtable discussion that mainly attracted the urban elites to topical issues of the day. It helped influence government policies and decision making process regarding issues discussed. The ekimeza is appreciated as one of the credible means to voice out local concerns, to influence policy and governance and, ultimately, peace –a condition free of violence and psychological trauma (or psychological peace).

There was need to cause an appreciation of the ekimeza as a clear mean of preventing conflict that lead to demeaning deaths and psychological trauma, and facilitation of psychological healing itself, or peace-building process. It was, thus, important to understand the contribution of ekimeza to good governance, to psychological peace and peaceful human environments through activism of freely expressing views and identifying oneself with others, sharing experiences.
Ekimeza (roundtable discussions) were witnessed and observed from 1999 to last year when such discussions were banned (end of 2009), listening in with groups of friends and experiencing the differences (changes), attending to local media to view ekimeza impact on society, and reading topical books on governance and peace.

Background
A decentralization system of governance in Uganda has been in operation since 1986 when the NRM government took over power. At that time, Uganda had had from a long history to tell of war and mass killings due to dictatorship and military takeovers. Decentralization in Uganda was implemented in two phases; using the RC system (1986-1987) that was given legal stature passed in 1987 and 1988, and October 1992 through an announcement by president Y.K. Museveni (Munawwar A., 2006:164). It, however, became a fully fledged system of governance in 1997 as a Local Government Act aimed at enhancing local participation in the affairs of government through local councils 1 to local council 5 (Nkongi E., 2002).

Only until 2004, when cabinet proposed the region tier arrangement to be granted to districts who desired it (Senyonjo J., 2007). And districts who felt undesirability of the system would through two thirds of the vote come out of it. As opposed to the federal system the regional tier, whereas district in the given region would cooperate to achieve common objectives, they still had to report to the central government. For federal system, both the regions and local government worked autonomously. That is: the central government, the region, and the local councils (Senyonjo J., 2007).

The inadequacy of representative democratic system in so many countries led to international agencies to support the development of civil society organizations as counter-weights to government. There was need to carefully design local level decision making to ensure balance and inclusion (of or with civil society) in an intimate relationship with those elected (Devas N, 2006).

UTS (2001) suggested five (5) performance measurements from the perspective of citizens and government, which included; feedback for decision-making, recognition of the potential impact of local government, the need for efficiency and effectiveness, public accountability, public pressure and the need improve public trust.

Participation and Influence on Decision Making and Peace
Those in power used the forum to explain government positions on different issues of contention, so that they could be understood and be accepted by the people. Equally, the opposition used it to constructively criticize government; reminding them of their failures so that they can correct or adopt new friendlier policies. By helping create a leveled ground for representative of the opposition, government representatives, and supporters, the forum was ensuring the principle of equality among Ugandans, as equal before the law.

In his view about democracy, Ekeh, P. Ed Berman Et al (2004:36), noted that it was a political expression of a relationship between individuals as citizens and the state. The citizen was a major stake in the political process that governed the state, and that he or she (citizen) belonged to the community of fellow citizens –who owned the state. If that relationship was harmonious, that, alone, would be peace experienced, injuries and demeaning deaths prevented, and healing caused.

Individuals who thought could offer better leadership, use the forum to let their ideals known to the population as well as identify themselves with them, such that during elections, chances were higher that they would be voted into power. Even those who lost chance caught up with them when President Y.K. Museveni appointed them Resident District Commissioners (RDCs) or deputies to the position, like Nakawa Assistant RDC, Fred Bamwine, and Tororo RDC Mpimbaza Hashaka, among others. The forum further helped young aspiring politicians to gain confidence and public speaking experience, many of them still pursuing the trade, for example Patrick Aroma (UPC), Moses Nuwagaba (Political Prostitute, Grace Musoke (FDC), among others.

They were an inspiration to many young people, and the immediate communities they came from –to be able to understand issues pertaining to events in their country in a two-sided manner, rather than the one-faced propaganda from government. There was often little by way of manifestos, or information about policy alternatives and little access about the real performance of those in power (Devas N, 2006:35). That facilitated informed decision making on choices about who would lead them. When the people have that freedom, there will be no doubt that they will feel peaceful within themselves in particular and the environment in general.

And psychologically, the ekimeza offered an opportunity for frustrated and disappointed citizens to vent such psychopathological conditions off –which alone was therapeutic as affected participants will leave the forum calmer and feeling better than they came –having ‘blown’ out the toxicity of anger on those leaders that betray their people. In the same way as earlier noted above, the need for identification can have significant influence on stability of the state once that state fails to respect such a need. But according Whitman J. (2005:2), the objective of policy was to preserve and increase the relations (like ekimeza) we value and to exclude or reduce the relations we hated. Preserving hate feelings only generated conditions for conflict rather than peace.

Truly, The People’s Parliament
With a huge membership to parliament, representation of electorates is poor. Ekimeza was thus a credible way for commoners to form civilian parliament and let themselves heard by both policy makers and their lazy MPs (member of parliaments). It was a sure way local participation and representation was ensured, helping to fill gaps left behind by the legislature.

It further filled the gap left behind by the representative democratic system –in which most MPs did not live up to the people’s wishes, instead represented their stomachs. The ekimeza was alternative to ineffective and bribery-prone parliament, such that with it (ekimeza), they could advocate balanced regional representation and development, improved infrastructure and services (e.g. better transportation system, equipped hospitals, quality education and health services, critical observance of human rights and freedoms (e.g. right to information, freedom of speech and assembly).

Individuals, who spoke at ekimeza did not only represent personal views but for their reference groups as well. Berman Et al (2004) argued that democracy was integral part of development. It is in democracy that we find a package of people participation in the affairs of their country and decisions based on the common good of such people.

When people are provided with a platform to identify with others, feel accepted, share information about their needs, acknowledge and solve problem them in a trust-worthy relationship with government or its representative, sustainable peace will be registered within themselves and society they come from. And having met their needs, the potential evil or criminal mind would have been prevented from developing into one.

The Famous Ekimeza Scene at Club Obligatto, Kampala-Uganda

Capacity Building, Problem-solving and Accountability under Decentralization Policy
Governance involved understanding systems, through consensus based on shared fates and common histories, possession of information and knowledge, the pressure of action or mobilization of publics and the use of careful planning, good timing and clever manipulation and hard bargaining either separately or in a combination to foster control mechanism that sustain governance without government [P.60,61]. The ekimeza provided for all that –where if government was idle, life went on peacefully as people or civil society took on mobilization and influence of outcomes.

An empowered citizenship was in position to make informed decisions and pressure government to pass people-friendly policies in line with decisions reached at personal and group level, and to further evaluate leadership performance (accountability). Like ekimeza, part of the common wealth secretariat objectives was to support decentralization through financial capacity, capacity building, and strengthening public management, provision of technical assistance and region symposia (Munawwar A. (2006:2). Decentralization of government functions has been a major theme pursued in both developing and transitional economies as well as in much developed world. At the same time there has been significant shift from the direct provision of services by government to more indirect approaches in partnership with the private sector, that is; the non-government organizations and the community organizations Munawwar A. (2006:6).

The ekimeza further aroused political consciousness of mainly educated youth –who either joined the discussions or began to view affairs of their country in a two-faced manner –and make informed decisions –accordingly. It showed relevancy to vernacular-speaking radios and to Ugandans in the countryside; together invoked a new radio programs –the ekimeza brand. These included simbawo akati (Radio Simba), mambo baado (CBS), among others.

Events following the September 11th, 2009 protests evolved out of the ekimeza fame –accused by government of inciting violence; the final assault being the closer of radio stations namely; Suubi Fm, Akaboozi kubiri (Radio), and CBS. Until now CBS remains closed. Agreeable, however, was that the ekimeza helped to empower citizens with knowledge about their human-rights including cultural ones. If government had listened and respected them as people who voted it into power, in the true spirit of democracy, violence would not have ensued. This follows Article 1 of the Constitution of the Republic of Uganda (1995) that power belonged to the people.

On the eve and after national or international holidays, the ekimeza discussed significances of such days to Ugandans. In that way it was helping to educate the masses on relevance and challenges to such days, for example; the 8th March (women’s day), the 9th June (heroes’ day), the 26th January (Teresita day), 9th October (Independence Day) and the mid-year Budget reading days as well as the hot topics in parliament.

It not only helped to bridge the gap between those in government and its people, the ekimeza too acted as an empowering tool for Ugandans. According to Whitman J., (2005) governance was a social function (like ekimeza) centered on making collective choices regarding matters of common concern to the members of human groups (civil society one like ekimeza).

It (governance) comprised partners that emerged from governing activities of social, political and administrative actors; therefore, modes of sociopolitical governance were always outcomes of public and private deliberations [P.17]. Such gave participants eventful opportunities to comment on administrative corruption, the too many small and under funded districts, lack of patriotism and unbalanced distribution of the national cake –which if not addressed, could potentially lead to instability, notwithstanding that such structure of society, itself, amounted to absence of peace.

It was obvious that government would be put to task to explain ventures in foreign wars, expensive military expenditures, missing funds, marginalization, inefficiencies, and performance of key development sectors like agriculture, economic protection, under funding, and insecurity. Nickson A (2006:25) observed factors driving government reforms as external and internal. Internally, if there was a strong coalitions for reform of the fiscal policies to rid country of administrative corruption, overstaffing (the case of Uganda parliament with over 300 MPs), low productivity, absence of culture of service, inefficiency and inequitable resources distribution.

The ekimeza acted as a formidable force that put government to task to account for the mess in the country, like Khisa I. (2010:3) reported in the Saturday Vision that nine million Ugandans were facing hunger, 15% of the population was malnourished, and 40% of the child deaths recorded in the country were due to malnutrition. If such structural problems were taken into account after putting government on the right path and direction due to pressure, and addressed those, certainly, peace would prevail.

Human Rights Issues and the Rule of Law in Governance
At ekimeza participants were sure they were exercising their freedoms of association and expression –stipulates in Article 19 one of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights ( 1948) that people had a right to seek, receive and impart information and ideas without hindrance, and Article 29 of the constitution of the Republic of Uganda (2005) which provides for freedoms of association, and that every person shall have the right to freedom of speech and expression, which shall include freedom of the press and other media. Article 9 of the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights 1981 provides for the right to receive information and right to disseminate information according to the law. Berman Et al (2004) noted that multiparty politics shaped the context of the struggle among elites seeking to defend or challenge the distribution of state power and resources.

The long time of inadequate and corrupt judicial wing of government characterized by bribery, using it as a tool of oppression by the rich against the unprotected poor, they (the people) were forced to assume the power to defend themselves within their rights. Soon, mob justice replaced the weak and un-trusted judicial system upon conceding defeat to the concept of the rule of law. The new definition according to the “common man’s law” or mob justice seen by the same architects of failure as itself an act of lawlessness became a fairer deal to the people, very relieving of insecurity and rewarding in terms of peace.

A police report (2009) in Saturday Vision news article by Odong C., (2010), revealed 332 people killed out of mob justice –a figure said to be the highest in Africa. The police put the figure of the backlog cases at 103, 592 that year. Such was the temptation to police to think of wrongful means to stop additions of suspects to already congested prisons. So they could think of bribery as a way to send away suspects –which in another way was bringing injustice to the oppressed. Luckily, recent reforms in the judicial systems propose community service, recruitment of more judges and effective monitoring of decentralization of judicial services by the office of the inspector of government (IGG), and some of them like increment of staff and improved IGG actions are already underway. Once all those are dealt with, conflict resolution and peace will prevail.

The ekimeza only invoked the freedoms of expression and rights to assemble that, truly, were functional and a sign that government had a duty recognize such freedoms. Article 1 of the African Charter stated that:
“Freedom of expression and information, including the right to seek, receive and impart information and ideas, either orally, in writing or in print, in the form of art, or through any other form of communication, including across frontiers, is a fundamental and inalienable human right and an indispensable component of democracy. Everyone shall have an equal opportunity to exercise the right to freedom of expression and to access information without discrimination.”

(AU, 2002)

The Declaration of the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights –a body that monitors compliance to its provisions declare in Article II that: “No one shall be subject to arbitrary interference with his or her freedom of expression; and Any restrictions on freedom of expression shall be provided by law, serve a legitimate interest and be necessary in a democratic society.” Famous themes of the ekimeza over years was advocacy of federal system of governance to suit the diversity in cultures, promote true patriotism that naturally eliminates the cancer of corruption, and for effective utilization of local resources –noting that the ekimeza, from its composition was true manifestation of unity in diversity of ideologies and cultures. And it was argued following article 1 (i) of the constitution that people had the power to choose the system of governance under which they should be led.

Linking Ekimeza to Good Governance and Peace

 Fig.1.                                                                                                   

                                                                                                                                     

Disjointed Relationship, Bad Governance and Disharmony (or Instability)

Fig.2.

Healthy Relationship, Good Governance and Peace

Challenges and Situation Analysis
Censorship of information and closure of radio stations are concerns can be traced as far back as the revolutionary years of France, but now is here (in Uganda). Whereas development gradually transforms society from worse to better, recent history proves otherwise that an individual or a few of them can undermine press liberty and intellectual freedom.

Threats to close radio stations and intimidation which began way back in 2003 when government started crackdowns on live outside radio broadcasts (ebimeza). According to Basoga Nsadhu (RIP) radio stations were by law supposed to broadcast from within their studios (Reporters Without Boarders, 2003). Such actions only undermined government, de-nationalized Ugandans, and generated even stronger condition for internal violence and wars.

However, the ekimeza on most occasions was accused of intent to blow discussions out of proportion by personally insulting and sending abusive messages to those in power which culturally was grave –which tantamount to disrespect of elders. It was argued that the September 11th Baganda protest –in which over 30 people were reported killed by state security agencies, was an outcome of forum (ekimeza) activities.

Unfortunately, the people in power failed to understand the root causes of personal insults being targeted to the president, not at all understand that some speakers came from deprived areas of the country –with poor health services, poor roads, poor drainage systems, poor representation to parliament and above all; unemployment.

For the elite speakers their cries were on corruption, lack of political will to end it, insecurity, marginalization of certain areas of the country like northern Uganda, wrongful execution of war there and lost or no explanations for the Barlonyo, Atiak and Karamoja killings.

In dealing with the Buganda issues, government insensitive of the cultural rights of the Baganda went on to limit Kabaka Ronald Mutebi II’s peaceful movement in his Kingdom. Such an act was simply a provocation, a show of arrogance and contempt of the people it governed –which without question had to light up violence. It was, thus, wrong for government to interfere with the peace of movement of the Kabaka acted within his cultural and institutional rights and with ease shooting 30 unarmed people dead.

Good governance catered for citizens’ cultural (leadership), political (decision making), economic rights (access to development opportunities) and safety concerns –which if the government of Uganda had valued as one way to grant peace to a society that deserved such rights, violence would not have occurred. Indeed, the cultural-led violence was merely a spark that triggered the silence conflicts of economic deprivation, ineffective representation, and hopelessness of life under the sets of political, economic and security rights or concerns of the people of Uganda. And with the repeal of the law of sedition on August 25th 2010 by the constitutional court of the Republic of Uganda, there are even greater signs of a peaceful Uganda (Jurist.org, 2010).

As if happy with strangling the most reliable link (media) between government and its people, President Y.K. Museveni, at a dinner hosted by the Uganda National Association of Broadcasters, angrily said, “You rarely inform. You rarely educate. You entertain, yes. But you mostly lie and incite. I have so much evidence to prove all this.” But he was also able to prove himself right that government had failed to deliver services to its people effectively and efficiently when he said, “Ever since we started decentralization, we have been sending massive amounts of money to the districts. A lot of this money suffered ‘nyam nyam’. Very soon you will hear some stories.” Yet, as Devas (2006:35) put it, “…there was need to supplement local elections with opportunities for more direct citizen participation in decision making and by greater information availability and use of resources."

The ekimeza approach was very significant at bringing the picture mass discontent of the masses to the sitting rooms of policy makers through listening in –so as to adopt new policies, strengthen existing ones or filling in the missing gaps in services delivery and representation. It was one approach that brought together people from various walks of life together to meet and deliberate issues of national concern peacefully. By so doing it built relationships among participants and represented agencies like government or its opposition. In such a good, trustworthy relationship, harmony and peaceful situations were imminent.

At most times, government representatives were present to listen and explain incidents of inefficiency in its fiscal policies, and the existing repressive schemes by government on opposition leaders and their followers. If the days’ leaders could pick one or two concerns from every discussion, a lot of ‘wounds’ could be healed, and society emancipated economically, politically and in expression their inalienable rights of assembly and speech –among others. They, themselves, would change morally and ethically as much of the criticisms were on political corruption and socio-cultural immorality. And once that exists, there would be perceived fairness and predictable peace.

Government stability was determined by its own actions –where if such actions were in the best interest of the people, security and peace would be guaranteed. And so long as such actions worked that way, then political paranoia would be replaced with psychological peace on the part of the political leadership, insecurity would be replaced by sustainable peace, as greed and mass discontent and contempt for government are diffused in favor of trust, tolerance, acceptance and love among Ugandans –all of which are strong predictors of peace and tranquility.

Conclusion and Recommendations
It can be submitted that there is need to let ebimeeza (plural) flourish at all leaves as forums to brainstorm societal problems, for problem-solving, for venting and psychological healing or peace and for enabling policy reform and formulation for the benefit of the common man, and for healthy relationship building as meaningful avenues for good governance and peace-building and prevention of psychologically traumatizing condition of war. However, more research is needed to define and set limits of the ekimeza so that, while it assumes the rights and freedoms of assembly, information and expression, and appreciative of its responsibilities to society and governance, it knows it limits for orderliness Uganda and common good of its people.

FDC CARRYING THE UGANDA OPPOSITION'S FLAG

BREAKING MUNTU PRESIDENTIAL BID BARRIERS FOR NOW AND THE FUTURE...

Pronounced militarization of the Ugandan opposition political parties started with the rise and growth of Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) as a party. Soldiers now play the game of politics in a more democratic environment.

More so, at the level of having to contest for presidency -without bullets shoot-outs at each other. Before president Museveni's came to power, politics was about armed confrontation. The country used to have popular political parties entirely resting on the foundation of armed wings.

Now, it is barely that, but rather, exercising of human rights and democracy to achieving positive national outlook. FDC has showed that they have more concern for national building and character than just individual interests and merits.

Members, whose individual interests tended to overshadow national ones have automatically been filtered out. The unfavored ones by change would, as they did try, create commotion. However, as exercised, it is the party's relentless duty to settle conflicts -as they emerge to help it progress.

Opportunists today still create an atmosphere -where people have to take any chance to personal achievement. Of all parties in Uganda, FDC gives the greatest optimism and chance to many ambitious people.

People, now, have to come out boldly to sow in such a fertile party, as FDC. Democratic Party (DP), well, has the kind of ambitious members, but only at a Uganda Young Democrats (UYD) level. Beyond that, the party ceases. But, also, their activities (for UYD) are only felt in central region.

It is FDC that has turned out to be the biggest challenger to the ruling National Resistance Movement/Organization (NRM/O). With most political parties agreeing a partnership with it, the challenge could turnout to be in its favor.

But, their membership and substance of the partners must, of course, be encouraging and credible enough to meet the challenge. A political party, for example, whose partners have membership constituting only the national executive, could add less to the final result, yet expecting more during power sharing.

In bid to sharpening its winning edge, FDC already shows progress through re-organizing internal structures, as well as, creating and consolidating a healthy partnerships with its allies.

It is, on the positive note, already rejuvenating itself in preparation for political contests some where in 2011 –as observable from its activities like election of new leaders and effectively dealing with member indiscipline.

However, unlike in the United States, where political party contests feature candidates engaging themselves in heated debates on domestic and foreign policy, FDC has strangely made it a gentleman's game.

Contestants like Mugisha Muntu hesitates to say Kizza Besigye's weaknesses as maybe his own strength. He, instead, sweet-talks about everything surrounding the party -including Besigye and himself. Perhaps being party's mobilization secretary fixed him that way. He might have got used to promoting party positives, from which he could be rewarded.

It is interesting to note also that even from the name, Muntu – meaning people; one could add some sense to a statement like, “holder of the name puts people first and other things second”. Incidentally, also, names tend to speak something about people.

Knowledge of and respect for each other, makes it easy for Muntu to take a chance and add something to his curriculum vitae, as becoming party president and later on head of state. It is time, actually, for members to show their ambitions and subsequently challenge for them.

As a gentleman, who respects everyone and works around positives, curious people may find it hard to see him attack Besigye's personally. Instead, they will see him work for positive party developments, as he too explores the heights, along. That, however, would look odd to Besigye's fans, who fancy tough-taking and fearless-talking characters.

But, when Besigye first emerged to contest against the ruling NRM/O, there were people, who immediately said no; on grounds that he sounded rough, violent, just angry for some reasons and, as person seeking revenge. They argued that he could be a worse dictator than the one (incumbent). As a result, they preferred to stick-up with the ruling party.

Truly, there can be positives in alternatives that are sometimes greater than previous choice (s). Muntu, for example, could create another dimension to attract more people from the NRM/O including those, who for long were opposed to Besigye's personality. And the end could mean political disaster for the politically unhealthy NRM/O membership; then, characterized by defections. And, in turn, lead to success of the opposition flag bearer, FDC.

As for FDC, some members and sympathizers may find it unbearable to keep losing every general elections, and feel re-organization within the party ensues to increase likelihood, hope, enthusiasm and confidence that the party will take power in forth-coming elections. Such attributes have gone down over time.

However, previous opinion polls only focused on measuring popularity of the ruling party as compared to others (opposition political parties). Unless they had in mind a view that party president and political party were inseparable, it would be great if they specifically gave figures showing popularity overtime of party presidents in their respective political parties, as well. This is so because a political party might be popular but lose due to unpopular party president and vice-versa.

At the beginning and, as expected, building a Muntu character and member acceptance, would be itself challenging. But creating a campaign strategy that is intended to reduce uncertainty and fear among those curious about his candidature, would be key for him (Muntu). Here, fear de-toxicating messages, would be massively advertised or popularized, like Weasel and Moze's songs are now -for now and in the future.

With leadership and almost everything getting militarized for various reasons like building electorate confidence and hope that they would be secure under such arrangement as military option, when head of state is of that background in an African country -with “stubborn” people and hard-to-tame generals like Uganda. Muntu, too, could offer that.

In fact, it is the military component and advantage that gives FDC a better ground than other parties in such an African political setting compared to non-military presidential candidates. This is the arrangement for Uganda at such an age of or level of maturity for democracy.

In terms of success-rate and commodity marketability, FDC proves that better, especially being at a more national-level field-play -with gentlemen and democratic leaders, yet of military backgrounds. No wonder, it is the leader of the opposition in Uganda.

Within such a person in Muntu, it would not be reasonable for FDC members, who insecure and fear change. Surely, for now and in the future, they all have to open-minded and only give each contestant a platform -on which to offer new developmental plans for the party and nation. Fear of the unknown in the face of a good plans and leaders should never arise, at such a time when political changes are becoming fashionable.

And, since FDC values change (C), as derived from the abbreviation, members too should reflect realities for change, democratically. Not walking the talk that has been a cancer in Uganda's political parties could stop. Why would they want some other people to go -leave presidency when themselves do not encourage it within their political party?

The opposition political parties have for long claimed to struggle for democracy, yet within them was hell. Some parties, like Conservative Party (CP) have not had democratic change for a long time. Instead, it was a coup d'etat by a junior official against the senior one (Lukyamuzi Ken and Mayanja-Nkangi, respectively).

Like in the corporate world, job openings would prompt an organization or company to advertise them in search for suitable candidates. And, again as expected, every interested person would apply to serve in that institution or organization.

FDC is like such organizations advertising political positions and Muntu is one of those interested in taking a role and as many will in the future, as party president president. That is good for him as for other contestants for various party positions. The nation will only watch to see who comes in to serve it.

However, it is interesting to note that at this level, a party as young as FDC has capacity to ensure internal discipline, and maybe; the same would manifested when they come to power. But they say power corrupts and does so absolutely. Ugandans will just wait and see.

Technically pruning-off un-helping characters successfully -without another or bigger crisis within, was a surprise. Such and continued show of national character, could do well for FDC in terms of success.

Successfully going through the current transition stage, under similar show of good political discipline could mean well for Ugandans and stake-holders. It, eventually, could be flag-bearer to meaningful democracy and citizenship in Uganda. And the much hard-to-get faith from the electorate too could be attained, and perhaps other political parties might learn from progressive FDC.

Waiswa Jacob
Situation Health Analyst
www.situationhealthanalysis.blogspot.com