The Role of Civil Society Organizations in Good Governance: A Case of Ekimeza in Uganda

By

Jacob Waiswa

Situation Health Analyst

Dishma Inc.

Introduction:
According to the Wikipedia.org (2010), civil society was a composition of totality of voluntary civic and social organizations and institutions that formed a basis of functioning of a society. The idea of ekimeza in Uganda was generated in 1999 by radio one –the countries local English language station. The ekimeza was a roundtable discussion that mainly attracted the urban elites to topical issues of the day. It helped influence government policies and decision making process regarding issues discussed. The ekimeza is appreciated as one of the credible means to voice out local concerns, to influence policy and governance and, ultimately, peace –a condition free of violence and psychological trauma (or psychological peace).

There was need to cause an appreciation of the ekimeza as a clear mean of preventing conflict that lead to demeaning deaths and psychological trauma, and facilitation of psychological healing itself, or peace-building process. It was, thus, important to understand the contribution of ekimeza to good governance, to psychological peace and peaceful human environments through activism of freely expressing views and identifying oneself with others, sharing experiences.
Ekimeza (roundtable discussions) were witnessed and observed from 1999 to last year when such discussions were banned (end of 2009), listening in with groups of friends and experiencing the differences (changes), attending to local media to view ekimeza impact on society, and reading topical books on governance and peace.

Background
A decentralization system of governance in Uganda has been in operation since 1986 when the NRM government took over power. At that time, Uganda had had from a long history to tell of war and mass killings due to dictatorship and military takeovers. Decentralization in Uganda was implemented in two phases; using the RC system (1986-1987) that was given legal stature passed in 1987 and 1988, and October 1992 through an announcement by president Y.K. Museveni (Munawwar A., 2006:164). It, however, became a fully fledged system of governance in 1997 as a Local Government Act aimed at enhancing local participation in the affairs of government through local councils 1 to local council 5 (Nkongi E., 2002).

Only until 2004, when cabinet proposed the region tier arrangement to be granted to districts who desired it (Senyonjo J., 2007). And districts who felt undesirability of the system would through two thirds of the vote come out of it. As opposed to the federal system the regional tier, whereas district in the given region would cooperate to achieve common objectives, they still had to report to the central government. For federal system, both the regions and local government worked autonomously. That is: the central government, the region, and the local councils (Senyonjo J., 2007).

The inadequacy of representative democratic system in so many countries led to international agencies to support the development of civil society organizations as counter-weights to government. There was need to carefully design local level decision making to ensure balance and inclusion (of or with civil society) in an intimate relationship with those elected (Devas N, 2006).

UTS (2001) suggested five (5) performance measurements from the perspective of citizens and government, which included; feedback for decision-making, recognition of the potential impact of local government, the need for efficiency and effectiveness, public accountability, public pressure and the need improve public trust.

Participation and Influence on Decision Making and Peace
Those in power used the forum to explain government positions on different issues of contention, so that they could be understood and be accepted by the people. Equally, the opposition used it to constructively criticize government; reminding them of their failures so that they can correct or adopt new friendlier policies. By helping create a leveled ground for representative of the opposition, government representatives, and supporters, the forum was ensuring the principle of equality among Ugandans, as equal before the law.

In his view about democracy, Ekeh, P. Ed Berman Et al (2004:36), noted that it was a political expression of a relationship between individuals as citizens and the state. The citizen was a major stake in the political process that governed the state, and that he or she (citizen) belonged to the community of fellow citizens –who owned the state. If that relationship was harmonious, that, alone, would be peace experienced, injuries and demeaning deaths prevented, and healing caused.

Individuals who thought could offer better leadership, use the forum to let their ideals known to the population as well as identify themselves with them, such that during elections, chances were higher that they would be voted into power. Even those who lost chance caught up with them when President Y.K. Museveni appointed them Resident District Commissioners (RDCs) or deputies to the position, like Nakawa Assistant RDC, Fred Bamwine, and Tororo RDC Mpimbaza Hashaka, among others. The forum further helped young aspiring politicians to gain confidence and public speaking experience, many of them still pursuing the trade, for example Patrick Aroma (UPC), Moses Nuwagaba (Political Prostitute, Grace Musoke (FDC), among others.

They were an inspiration to many young people, and the immediate communities they came from –to be able to understand issues pertaining to events in their country in a two-sided manner, rather than the one-faced propaganda from government. There was often little by way of manifestos, or information about policy alternatives and little access about the real performance of those in power (Devas N, 2006:35). That facilitated informed decision making on choices about who would lead them. When the people have that freedom, there will be no doubt that they will feel peaceful within themselves in particular and the environment in general.

And psychologically, the ekimeza offered an opportunity for frustrated and disappointed citizens to vent such psychopathological conditions off –which alone was therapeutic as affected participants will leave the forum calmer and feeling better than they came –having ‘blown’ out the toxicity of anger on those leaders that betray their people. In the same way as earlier noted above, the need for identification can have significant influence on stability of the state once that state fails to respect such a need. But according Whitman J. (2005:2), the objective of policy was to preserve and increase the relations (like ekimeza) we value and to exclude or reduce the relations we hated. Preserving hate feelings only generated conditions for conflict rather than peace.

Truly, The People’s Parliament
With a huge membership to parliament, representation of electorates is poor. Ekimeza was thus a credible way for commoners to form civilian parliament and let themselves heard by both policy makers and their lazy MPs (member of parliaments). It was a sure way local participation and representation was ensured, helping to fill gaps left behind by the legislature.

It further filled the gap left behind by the representative democratic system –in which most MPs did not live up to the people’s wishes, instead represented their stomachs. The ekimeza was alternative to ineffective and bribery-prone parliament, such that with it (ekimeza), they could advocate balanced regional representation and development, improved infrastructure and services (e.g. better transportation system, equipped hospitals, quality education and health services, critical observance of human rights and freedoms (e.g. right to information, freedom of speech and assembly).

Individuals, who spoke at ekimeza did not only represent personal views but for their reference groups as well. Berman Et al (2004) argued that democracy was integral part of development. It is in democracy that we find a package of people participation in the affairs of their country and decisions based on the common good of such people.

When people are provided with a platform to identify with others, feel accepted, share information about their needs, acknowledge and solve problem them in a trust-worthy relationship with government or its representative, sustainable peace will be registered within themselves and society they come from. And having met their needs, the potential evil or criminal mind would have been prevented from developing into one.

The Famous Ekimeza Scene at Club Obligatto, Kampala-Uganda

Capacity Building, Problem-solving and Accountability under Decentralization Policy
Governance involved understanding systems, through consensus based on shared fates and common histories, possession of information and knowledge, the pressure of action or mobilization of publics and the use of careful planning, good timing and clever manipulation and hard bargaining either separately or in a combination to foster control mechanism that sustain governance without government [P.60,61]. The ekimeza provided for all that –where if government was idle, life went on peacefully as people or civil society took on mobilization and influence of outcomes.

An empowered citizenship was in position to make informed decisions and pressure government to pass people-friendly policies in line with decisions reached at personal and group level, and to further evaluate leadership performance (accountability). Like ekimeza, part of the common wealth secretariat objectives was to support decentralization through financial capacity, capacity building, and strengthening public management, provision of technical assistance and region symposia (Munawwar A. (2006:2). Decentralization of government functions has been a major theme pursued in both developing and transitional economies as well as in much developed world. At the same time there has been significant shift from the direct provision of services by government to more indirect approaches in partnership with the private sector, that is; the non-government organizations and the community organizations Munawwar A. (2006:6).

The ekimeza further aroused political consciousness of mainly educated youth –who either joined the discussions or began to view affairs of their country in a two-faced manner –and make informed decisions –accordingly. It showed relevancy to vernacular-speaking radios and to Ugandans in the countryside; together invoked a new radio programs –the ekimeza brand. These included simbawo akati (Radio Simba), mambo baado (CBS), among others.

Events following the September 11th, 2009 protests evolved out of the ekimeza fame –accused by government of inciting violence; the final assault being the closer of radio stations namely; Suubi Fm, Akaboozi kubiri (Radio), and CBS. Until now CBS remains closed. Agreeable, however, was that the ekimeza helped to empower citizens with knowledge about their human-rights including cultural ones. If government had listened and respected them as people who voted it into power, in the true spirit of democracy, violence would not have ensued. This follows Article 1 of the Constitution of the Republic of Uganda (1995) that power belonged to the people.

On the eve and after national or international holidays, the ekimeza discussed significances of such days to Ugandans. In that way it was helping to educate the masses on relevance and challenges to such days, for example; the 8th March (women’s day), the 9th June (heroes’ day), the 26th January (Teresita day), 9th October (Independence Day) and the mid-year Budget reading days as well as the hot topics in parliament.

It not only helped to bridge the gap between those in government and its people, the ekimeza too acted as an empowering tool for Ugandans. According to Whitman J., (2005) governance was a social function (like ekimeza) centered on making collective choices regarding matters of common concern to the members of human groups (civil society one like ekimeza).

It (governance) comprised partners that emerged from governing activities of social, political and administrative actors; therefore, modes of sociopolitical governance were always outcomes of public and private deliberations [P.17]. Such gave participants eventful opportunities to comment on administrative corruption, the too many small and under funded districts, lack of patriotism and unbalanced distribution of the national cake –which if not addressed, could potentially lead to instability, notwithstanding that such structure of society, itself, amounted to absence of peace.

It was obvious that government would be put to task to explain ventures in foreign wars, expensive military expenditures, missing funds, marginalization, inefficiencies, and performance of key development sectors like agriculture, economic protection, under funding, and insecurity. Nickson A (2006:25) observed factors driving government reforms as external and internal. Internally, if there was a strong coalitions for reform of the fiscal policies to rid country of administrative corruption, overstaffing (the case of Uganda parliament with over 300 MPs), low productivity, absence of culture of service, inefficiency and inequitable resources distribution.

The ekimeza acted as a formidable force that put government to task to account for the mess in the country, like Khisa I. (2010:3) reported in the Saturday Vision that nine million Ugandans were facing hunger, 15% of the population was malnourished, and 40% of the child deaths recorded in the country were due to malnutrition. If such structural problems were taken into account after putting government on the right path and direction due to pressure, and addressed those, certainly, peace would prevail.

Human Rights Issues and the Rule of Law in Governance
At ekimeza participants were sure they were exercising their freedoms of association and expression –stipulates in Article 19 one of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights ( 1948) that people had a right to seek, receive and impart information and ideas without hindrance, and Article 29 of the constitution of the Republic of Uganda (2005) which provides for freedoms of association, and that every person shall have the right to freedom of speech and expression, which shall include freedom of the press and other media. Article 9 of the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights 1981 provides for the right to receive information and right to disseminate information according to the law. Berman Et al (2004) noted that multiparty politics shaped the context of the struggle among elites seeking to defend or challenge the distribution of state power and resources.

The long time of inadequate and corrupt judicial wing of government characterized by bribery, using it as a tool of oppression by the rich against the unprotected poor, they (the people) were forced to assume the power to defend themselves within their rights. Soon, mob justice replaced the weak and un-trusted judicial system upon conceding defeat to the concept of the rule of law. The new definition according to the “common man’s law” or mob justice seen by the same architects of failure as itself an act of lawlessness became a fairer deal to the people, very relieving of insecurity and rewarding in terms of peace.

A police report (2009) in Saturday Vision news article by Odong C., (2010), revealed 332 people killed out of mob justice –a figure said to be the highest in Africa. The police put the figure of the backlog cases at 103, 592 that year. Such was the temptation to police to think of wrongful means to stop additions of suspects to already congested prisons. So they could think of bribery as a way to send away suspects –which in another way was bringing injustice to the oppressed. Luckily, recent reforms in the judicial systems propose community service, recruitment of more judges and effective monitoring of decentralization of judicial services by the office of the inspector of government (IGG), and some of them like increment of staff and improved IGG actions are already underway. Once all those are dealt with, conflict resolution and peace will prevail.

The ekimeza only invoked the freedoms of expression and rights to assemble that, truly, were functional and a sign that government had a duty recognize such freedoms. Article 1 of the African Charter stated that:
“Freedom of expression and information, including the right to seek, receive and impart information and ideas, either orally, in writing or in print, in the form of art, or through any other form of communication, including across frontiers, is a fundamental and inalienable human right and an indispensable component of democracy. Everyone shall have an equal opportunity to exercise the right to freedom of expression and to access information without discrimination.”

(AU, 2002)

The Declaration of the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights –a body that monitors compliance to its provisions declare in Article II that: “No one shall be subject to arbitrary interference with his or her freedom of expression; and Any restrictions on freedom of expression shall be provided by law, serve a legitimate interest and be necessary in a democratic society.” Famous themes of the ekimeza over years was advocacy of federal system of governance to suit the diversity in cultures, promote true patriotism that naturally eliminates the cancer of corruption, and for effective utilization of local resources –noting that the ekimeza, from its composition was true manifestation of unity in diversity of ideologies and cultures. And it was argued following article 1 (i) of the constitution that people had the power to choose the system of governance under which they should be led.

Linking Ekimeza to Good Governance and Peace

 Fig.1.                                                                                                   

                                                                                                                                     

Disjointed Relationship, Bad Governance and Disharmony (or Instability)

Fig.2.

Healthy Relationship, Good Governance and Peace

Challenges and Situation Analysis
Censorship of information and closure of radio stations are concerns can be traced as far back as the revolutionary years of France, but now is here (in Uganda). Whereas development gradually transforms society from worse to better, recent history proves otherwise that an individual or a few of them can undermine press liberty and intellectual freedom.

Threats to close radio stations and intimidation which began way back in 2003 when government started crackdowns on live outside radio broadcasts (ebimeza). According to Basoga Nsadhu (RIP) radio stations were by law supposed to broadcast from within their studios (Reporters Without Boarders, 2003). Such actions only undermined government, de-nationalized Ugandans, and generated even stronger condition for internal violence and wars.

However, the ekimeza on most occasions was accused of intent to blow discussions out of proportion by personally insulting and sending abusive messages to those in power which culturally was grave –which tantamount to disrespect of elders. It was argued that the September 11th Baganda protest –in which over 30 people were reported killed by state security agencies, was an outcome of forum (ekimeza) activities.

Unfortunately, the people in power failed to understand the root causes of personal insults being targeted to the president, not at all understand that some speakers came from deprived areas of the country –with poor health services, poor roads, poor drainage systems, poor representation to parliament and above all; unemployment.

For the elite speakers their cries were on corruption, lack of political will to end it, insecurity, marginalization of certain areas of the country like northern Uganda, wrongful execution of war there and lost or no explanations for the Barlonyo, Atiak and Karamoja killings.

In dealing with the Buganda issues, government insensitive of the cultural rights of the Baganda went on to limit Kabaka Ronald Mutebi II’s peaceful movement in his Kingdom. Such an act was simply a provocation, a show of arrogance and contempt of the people it governed –which without question had to light up violence. It was, thus, wrong for government to interfere with the peace of movement of the Kabaka acted within his cultural and institutional rights and with ease shooting 30 unarmed people dead.

Good governance catered for citizens’ cultural (leadership), political (decision making), economic rights (access to development opportunities) and safety concerns –which if the government of Uganda had valued as one way to grant peace to a society that deserved such rights, violence would not have occurred. Indeed, the cultural-led violence was merely a spark that triggered the silence conflicts of economic deprivation, ineffective representation, and hopelessness of life under the sets of political, economic and security rights or concerns of the people of Uganda. And with the repeal of the law of sedition on August 25th 2010 by the constitutional court of the Republic of Uganda, there are even greater signs of a peaceful Uganda (Jurist.org, 2010).

As if happy with strangling the most reliable link (media) between government and its people, President Y.K. Museveni, at a dinner hosted by the Uganda National Association of Broadcasters, angrily said, “You rarely inform. You rarely educate. You entertain, yes. But you mostly lie and incite. I have so much evidence to prove all this.” But he was also able to prove himself right that government had failed to deliver services to its people effectively and efficiently when he said, “Ever since we started decentralization, we have been sending massive amounts of money to the districts. A lot of this money suffered ‘nyam nyam’. Very soon you will hear some stories.” Yet, as Devas (2006:35) put it, “…there was need to supplement local elections with opportunities for more direct citizen participation in decision making and by greater information availability and use of resources."

The ekimeza approach was very significant at bringing the picture mass discontent of the masses to the sitting rooms of policy makers through listening in –so as to adopt new policies, strengthen existing ones or filling in the missing gaps in services delivery and representation. It was one approach that brought together people from various walks of life together to meet and deliberate issues of national concern peacefully. By so doing it built relationships among participants and represented agencies like government or its opposition. In such a good, trustworthy relationship, harmony and peaceful situations were imminent.

At most times, government representatives were present to listen and explain incidents of inefficiency in its fiscal policies, and the existing repressive schemes by government on opposition leaders and their followers. If the days’ leaders could pick one or two concerns from every discussion, a lot of ‘wounds’ could be healed, and society emancipated economically, politically and in expression their inalienable rights of assembly and speech –among others. They, themselves, would change morally and ethically as much of the criticisms were on political corruption and socio-cultural immorality. And once that exists, there would be perceived fairness and predictable peace.

Government stability was determined by its own actions –where if such actions were in the best interest of the people, security and peace would be guaranteed. And so long as such actions worked that way, then political paranoia would be replaced with psychological peace on the part of the political leadership, insecurity would be replaced by sustainable peace, as greed and mass discontent and contempt for government are diffused in favor of trust, tolerance, acceptance and love among Ugandans –all of which are strong predictors of peace and tranquility.

Conclusion and Recommendations
It can be submitted that there is need to let ebimeeza (plural) flourish at all leaves as forums to brainstorm societal problems, for problem-solving, for venting and psychological healing or peace and for enabling policy reform and formulation for the benefit of the common man, and for healthy relationship building as meaningful avenues for good governance and peace-building and prevention of psychologically traumatizing condition of war. However, more research is needed to define and set limits of the ekimeza so that, while it assumes the rights and freedoms of assembly, information and expression, and appreciative of its responsibilities to society and governance, it knows it limits for orderliness Uganda and common good of its people.

THE REALITIES: MEETING THE EXPECTATIONS OF CHILD EDUCATION AS A RIGHT

Education is commonly perceived as one important and rewarding adventure anyone ought to take. Before the coming of missionaries to Africa, there was the informal type of education prepared for the child; right from birth.

Expectations and responsibilities were outlined for the child through different stages of life –for example; domestic roles, understanding family and clan history, artisan works, farming, hunting, marriage responsibilities, parenthood, social norms, and preparing oneself and others for death.

Then, there came missionary and/or religious instruction, which had isolated places –where children could converge for instructions to become medical workers, lawyers, bankers, office clerks, clerics and teachers.

The earlier (African) education system was compulsory –meant to ensure family and social responsibility, while western type brought in new cultures and marketed them like the best options for Africans.

It even detached communities from their original roles –and Africans began examining themselves more as individuals than community members. And, as of now, not any one can entirely access it, but rather, the privileged few.

With curiosity being an instinctual part of a human being, man’s spiritual-persona and his relentless effort to fill knowledge or spiritual gaps could be fun adventuring in both systems (African tradition and Western traditions). In that way, the different gaps, which might be created under globalization would be filled.

As education disparities rose sharply, more children missed out –because of either poor local attitudes towards classroom-education or strong emphasis for the traditional education system, which emphasized married and family responsibility at some stage. As of 2008 in rural Mayuge, the highest level a child went with education was mostly (over 80%) primary seven –to pave way for marriage and handyman-ship.

It is the successful education modernists, who wanted other community members to make careers through western, and felt African educational arrangement must be broken through initiatives as right to education (western type). In the traditional way, interestingly, it was as though natural going through its educational drills.

In the western type, today, deficits are realized to necessitate the institution of initiatives as education as a right. But, it becomes favorable accessing an all-round education that considers both traditional and western systems –which curiosity cannot hesitate to take on.

But, how ready are Africans to receiving some “strange” lessons from the western education system, as acceptance to homosexuality –with it as alternative sexual lifestyle alongside primary hetero-sexual one?

In some areas of Africa, gay ideology has already taken root and being practiced, while in others like Uganda, it is still alien and being strongly resisted in an attempt to protect cultural and religious positions.

But,then, such would contradictory –having noted that the practice has been in the traditions of Buganda (in the Kings palace) and among some Christians (mainly in the catholic religion), according to history.

Morality to them was another issue. Perhaps, the crusade against gay relationships could focus more on set and desired morals than merely being cultural and religious, since historically both failed to stop gay practice in Buganda in particular and Uganda in general.

It, indeed, could mean having to form expected or standardized social values and behaviors that provides for an African position on gay proposals and practices, and have them approved by people’s parliament.

And about how morality is being defined to those who need to know, must be made clear and explained to support the set moral grounds –upon which gay culture would have been made illegal. Otherwise, human curiosity will continuously be defining and re-defining morality in its own way –and begging for what it finally considers morally right.

In rural Mayuge District, parents –who made successful careers in agro-business, found little “substance” in having to take their children to school. Since the children have grown up seeing family wealth being generated through farming, carpentry, building and transportation business, they would look out to such economic activities, as well.

Following the suppressed feelings about education as an avenue to success, very poor attitudes towards it would contagiously spread through families to communities, as would be for the generations to come.

The children, on top of the conflict between educational pressure and resilience, developed “very poor” attitudes towards seals off their mindsets, so much that it could take a big community (multi-dimensional) intervention to help reverse the then “bad” community trend.

The disabled children, on the other hand, get either the worst audience or simply lack a voice that addresses their educational challenges. Deep in rural areas, they chronically face stigma and abject lack of attention –as though life imprisonment to them by the communities in which they live.

Poverty turns hopes of caregivers having their disabled children get meaningful educational life deem. Besides, their specially-tailored services are limited to towns such that between rural areas and town are several miles –which make it too expensive for a peasant family to travel.

In recent times, education has been categorized as a need that must be matched with other human needs and priority ones taken. As the case for most Ugandans today, if one cannot find food, shelters, clothing and life insurance, he or she could find education as a secondary need or something that has to be relaxed for what is basic.

To some, in the view of others focusing on basic needs, it could seem as though a deliberate vote for ignorance. Doing so, however, would so much of mockery. It is only the very poor, who could best understand the basic needs point.

Now, with roaming poverty, affected communities will view education as a privilege that is hard to attain. Even with universal primary education (UPE) and universal secondary education (USE) programs in place; lack of clothing, child-starvation and inability to concentrate on learning could only lead to subsequent program failures –as policy-makers sit in their comfort zones assuming all is well.

Rather than aggressive and continuous monitoring and evaluation of the program, the boneless politicking on how successful it could have been, coupled with corruption cancer –soon overshadows its progress cyclically as more funding is injected.

Along with domestic violence, child abuse and neglect, matters worsen for child-education in as far as acceleration of failure rate of the program is concerned. Of course, there is a big question of quality education; where it can be found and its affordability –to determine actual right to and benefit from it.

What children see as negative outcomes (as unemployment) from their elders’ education accomplishments could lead to huge discouragement –with it (education) having failed to transform them into responsible citizens, to address real life or community needs, and seem more of time wasted at school than an investment or an asset.

As parents begin to view education as reliability and a source of poverty, they could get tempted to phase out the obligation to educate their children in favor of the much needed economic solutions like investing in a family farm project, hotel businesses or any other profitable business venture.

Because of that, child education could cease to be a right and become a burden, which families and/or communities will want be excused from and, as a strongest appeal to whoever viewed it the contrary.

Jacob Waiswa
Situation Health Analyst
www.situationhealthanalysis.blogspot.com

FDC CARRYING THE UGANDA OPPOSITION'S FLAG

BREAKING MUNTU PRESIDENTIAL BID BARRIERS FOR NOW AND THE FUTURE...

Pronounced militarization of the Ugandan opposition political parties started with the rise and growth of Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) as a party. Soldiers now play the game of politics in a more democratic environment.

More so, at the level of having to contest for presidency -without bullets shoot-outs at each other. Before president Museveni's came to power, politics was about armed confrontation. The country used to have popular political parties entirely resting on the foundation of armed wings.

Now, it is barely that, but rather, exercising of human rights and democracy to achieving positive national outlook. FDC has showed that they have more concern for national building and character than just individual interests and merits.

Members, whose individual interests tended to overshadow national ones have automatically been filtered out. The unfavored ones by change would, as they did try, create commotion. However, as exercised, it is the party's relentless duty to settle conflicts -as they emerge to help it progress.

Opportunists today still create an atmosphere -where people have to take any chance to personal achievement. Of all parties in Uganda, FDC gives the greatest optimism and chance to many ambitious people.

People, now, have to come out boldly to sow in such a fertile party, as FDC. Democratic Party (DP), well, has the kind of ambitious members, but only at a Uganda Young Democrats (UYD) level. Beyond that, the party ceases. But, also, their activities (for UYD) are only felt in central region.

It is FDC that has turned out to be the biggest challenger to the ruling National Resistance Movement/Organization (NRM/O). With most political parties agreeing a partnership with it, the challenge could turnout to be in its favor.

But, their membership and substance of the partners must, of course, be encouraging and credible enough to meet the challenge. A political party, for example, whose partners have membership constituting only the national executive, could add less to the final result, yet expecting more during power sharing.

In bid to sharpening its winning edge, FDC already shows progress through re-organizing internal structures, as well as, creating and consolidating a healthy partnerships with its allies.

It is, on the positive note, already rejuvenating itself in preparation for political contests some where in 2011 –as observable from its activities like election of new leaders and effectively dealing with member indiscipline.

However, unlike in the United States, where political party contests feature candidates engaging themselves in heated debates on domestic and foreign policy, FDC has strangely made it a gentleman's game.

Contestants like Mugisha Muntu hesitates to say Kizza Besigye's weaknesses as maybe his own strength. He, instead, sweet-talks about everything surrounding the party -including Besigye and himself. Perhaps being party's mobilization secretary fixed him that way. He might have got used to promoting party positives, from which he could be rewarded.

It is interesting to note also that even from the name, Muntu – meaning people; one could add some sense to a statement like, “holder of the name puts people first and other things second”. Incidentally, also, names tend to speak something about people.

Knowledge of and respect for each other, makes it easy for Muntu to take a chance and add something to his curriculum vitae, as becoming party president and later on head of state. It is time, actually, for members to show their ambitions and subsequently challenge for them.

As a gentleman, who respects everyone and works around positives, curious people may find it hard to see him attack Besigye's personally. Instead, they will see him work for positive party developments, as he too explores the heights, along. That, however, would look odd to Besigye's fans, who fancy tough-taking and fearless-talking characters.

But, when Besigye first emerged to contest against the ruling NRM/O, there were people, who immediately said no; on grounds that he sounded rough, violent, just angry for some reasons and, as person seeking revenge. They argued that he could be a worse dictator than the one (incumbent). As a result, they preferred to stick-up with the ruling party.

Truly, there can be positives in alternatives that are sometimes greater than previous choice (s). Muntu, for example, could create another dimension to attract more people from the NRM/O including those, who for long were opposed to Besigye's personality. And the end could mean political disaster for the politically unhealthy NRM/O membership; then, characterized by defections. And, in turn, lead to success of the opposition flag bearer, FDC.

As for FDC, some members and sympathizers may find it unbearable to keep losing every general elections, and feel re-organization within the party ensues to increase likelihood, hope, enthusiasm and confidence that the party will take power in forth-coming elections. Such attributes have gone down over time.

However, previous opinion polls only focused on measuring popularity of the ruling party as compared to others (opposition political parties). Unless they had in mind a view that party president and political party were inseparable, it would be great if they specifically gave figures showing popularity overtime of party presidents in their respective political parties, as well. This is so because a political party might be popular but lose due to unpopular party president and vice-versa.

At the beginning and, as expected, building a Muntu character and member acceptance, would be itself challenging. But creating a campaign strategy that is intended to reduce uncertainty and fear among those curious about his candidature, would be key for him (Muntu). Here, fear de-toxicating messages, would be massively advertised or popularized, like Weasel and Moze's songs are now -for now and in the future.

With leadership and almost everything getting militarized for various reasons like building electorate confidence and hope that they would be secure under such arrangement as military option, when head of state is of that background in an African country -with “stubborn” people and hard-to-tame generals like Uganda. Muntu, too, could offer that.

In fact, it is the military component and advantage that gives FDC a better ground than other parties in such an African political setting compared to non-military presidential candidates. This is the arrangement for Uganda at such an age of or level of maturity for democracy.

In terms of success-rate and commodity marketability, FDC proves that better, especially being at a more national-level field-play -with gentlemen and democratic leaders, yet of military backgrounds. No wonder, it is the leader of the opposition in Uganda.

Within such a person in Muntu, it would not be reasonable for FDC members, who insecure and fear change. Surely, for now and in the future, they all have to open-minded and only give each contestant a platform -on which to offer new developmental plans for the party and nation. Fear of the unknown in the face of a good plans and leaders should never arise, at such a time when political changes are becoming fashionable.

And, since FDC values change (C), as derived from the abbreviation, members too should reflect realities for change, democratically. Not walking the talk that has been a cancer in Uganda's political parties could stop. Why would they want some other people to go -leave presidency when themselves do not encourage it within their political party?

The opposition political parties have for long claimed to struggle for democracy, yet within them was hell. Some parties, like Conservative Party (CP) have not had democratic change for a long time. Instead, it was a coup d'etat by a junior official against the senior one (Lukyamuzi Ken and Mayanja-Nkangi, respectively).

Like in the corporate world, job openings would prompt an organization or company to advertise them in search for suitable candidates. And, again as expected, every interested person would apply to serve in that institution or organization.

FDC is like such organizations advertising political positions and Muntu is one of those interested in taking a role and as many will in the future, as party president president. That is good for him as for other contestants for various party positions. The nation will only watch to see who comes in to serve it.

However, it is interesting to note that at this level, a party as young as FDC has capacity to ensure internal discipline, and maybe; the same would manifested when they come to power. But they say power corrupts and does so absolutely. Ugandans will just wait and see.

Technically pruning-off un-helping characters successfully -without another or bigger crisis within, was a surprise. Such and continued show of national character, could do well for FDC in terms of success.

Successfully going through the current transition stage, under similar show of good political discipline could mean well for Ugandans and stake-holders. It, eventually, could be flag-bearer to meaningful democracy and citizenship in Uganda. And the much hard-to-get faith from the electorate too could be attained, and perhaps other political parties might learn from progressive FDC.

Waiswa Jacob
Situation Health Analyst
www.situationhealthanalysis.blogspot.com